留美博士：朱學勤剽竊Blum 中英對照（1-5全）

朱學勤：《道德理想國的覆滅》

第五章第三節: 173-183頁

Carol Blum: Rousseau and the Republic of Virtue

布魯姆：《盧梭與德性共和國》

第七章：Identification with Virtue  133-152頁

盧梭升溫——大革命的道德理想

席勒《盧梭頌》詩云：

　　當蘇格拉底被智者們貶落

　　　　基督徒亦飽受折磨，教徒們咒罵盧梭

                  盧梭，他吁請教徒重返人間城廓44

　　詩人巨眼識慧，寥寥數行，即點透了盧梭、教徒、世俗人間的三者互動關系。

　　革命在步步走近。而走在革命前面的，則是一個由人而神的道德偶像，以加溫社會熱情，以動員社會參預。孟德斯鳩、伏爾泰、狄德羅可以作理性的導師，但不具備道德魅力。他們的哲學本身就是排斥道德，排斥價值審美，排斥來自彼岸的任何資源。他們有智者之風度，卻沒有圣人之氣象。時代在呼喚，不是雅克，就是盧梭。鹿，已經跑到波爾盧瓦亞修道院去了。

          法國史學家雷蒙德·特魯松描述革命前盧梭熱剛剛興起時的狀況，有一段話說得極為準確：

　　 當時，有兩股輿論潮流開始分流，涇渭分明：一種是敵意的排斥性的潮流，但是不能擴及到文學界。后一種潮流是鮮明的、深刻的、有擴散力的，聯系著大多數人。盧梭，敏感心靈的導師，道德的教師，是被迫害的，在愛蒙農維爾死于窮困、遺棄。他不是，也不可能是——那種邪惡的人，忘恩負義的人。他的著作給他本人蒙上了一圈光環。45 （1. Blum 135頁第二段第5-12行）

　　有關盧梭的神話從文學界發源，向上、下兩個層面侵蝕。到１７８０年，上層社會可能已保持不了那份矜持，開始向盧梭低下它那高貴的頭顱。這一年有觀察者說：“所有的宗教都有它的偶像，哲學也有它的偶像。已經有半個法國轉向愛蒙農維爾，去憑吊那個屬于他的小島……。王后和王子以及宮庭的所有王子王孫，上個星期都去過了。”46（2. Blum 135頁第三段第4-9行）

第二年，即１７８１年，以盧梭未亡人泰勒絲名義出版的一本《安魂曲：讓·雅克·盧梭的生命、傳奇、對話集》風靡巴黎。訂購者包括瑪麗·安東奈特王后和本杰明·富蘭克林美國公使等一大批宮庭顯貴、外國使節和社會名流。（3. Blum 135頁最后一段至136頁第2行）與此同時，《巴黎報》亦推波助瀾，在盧梭生前三個好友奧立弗·德·科蘭茨、讓·羅米利、路易絲·德賽歐編輯下，刊登了大量盧梭生前未發表的手稿。（4. Blum 136頁第一段第5-8行

（此段全部逐句翻譯自Blum，朱文沒有注釋）

         盧梭生前最討厭巴黎的劇院。但是他死后不久，巴黎劇院卻不斷上演有關盧梭的戲劇，（5. Blum 136頁第二段第1-2行）其中如《讓·雅克的少年時代》，傳播盧梭從小就是圣人的神話。最有意思的是一出兩幕情節劇：《埃里珊田野里的幽靈集會》。（6. Blum 136頁第二段第4-7行）第一幕是《新愛洛琦絲》里的普魯克斯與朱麗出場，（7. Blum 136頁第三段第1行）第二幕是《愛彌兒》里的愛彌兒和蘇菲出場，（8. Blum 136頁第三段第3行）全劇結束時則動用盧梭《鄉村牧師》的頌詩和音樂，幾乎湊齊了盧梭幻想作品里的主要人物和背景旋律。（9. Blum 136頁第三段最后三行）在《讓·雅克的少年時代》一劇幕啟處，盧梭已在一把躺椅上入睡，他的父親則在一旁閱讀普魯塔克的作品。這時，旭日臨窗，冉冉升起。（10. Blum 136頁最后一段第1-3行）父親說：“你已長大成一個大孩子了……”，盧梭作蘇醒狀：“我馬上就是１３歲了”。于是，兩重唱在幕后響起：“當你出生時，我已失去她/你的妻子，我溫柔的母親……”，（11. Blum 136頁最后一行至137頁第4行）完全把《懺悔錄》 中盧梭對兒時的詩化回憶搬上了舞臺。

 （注：本大段全部逐句翻譯自Blum，朱文沒有一處注釋）

無論劇目有什么不同，所有的舞臺光環都把少年盧梭渲染成一個圣靈奇跡：他天性高尚，光照天地。為了普渡眾生，拯救這個道德敗壞的世界，他才降臨人世。（12. Blum 137頁第二段第1-5行）這些戲劇一直延續到革命年代，花樣每年翻新。啟蒙時代的作家沒有一個獲得如此殊榮。（13. Blum 137頁第二段最后三行）

（此段逐句翻譯自Blum，朱文沒有注釋）

         革命前十年，大量有關盧梭的書籍出版，而且側重于盧梭的美德與時代的墮落這一類主題。（14. Blum 137最后一段第1-4行）法朗索瓦·查斯出版了一厚冊《對盧梭和華倫夫人關系的一部公正的哲學評論》，逐點洗刷從前人們流傳的有關盧梭行為的穢跡：與華倫夫人的暖昧關系、棄子不育、自戀情結，等等。作者認為，所有這些恰恰證明盧梭道德高尚。（15. Blum 137最后一段第4-8行）

（此段逐句翻譯自Blum，朱文沒有注釋）

         文學渲染盧梭神話，取得了相當大的成功。盧梭的大量民粹主義觀念滲入社會風氣，成為時尚。（16. Blum 138第二段第3-4行）年輕人模仿愛彌兒，放棄葷食，睡在堅硬的光地板上，要做“居住在城里的野蠻人”。婦女們聲稱她們要聽從盧梭的教誨，安心于室，相夫教子，連王后也開始親自哺育起她的子女更多的人則模仿《新愛洛琦絲》里的穿著、打扮、說話的腔調。（17. Blum 138第三段第1-6行）路易十六的父親路易王太子也深受愛彌兒的影響，按照盧梭的觀點從小教育他的兒子，學一門手工匠人的手藝。據說，這就是路易十六那個著名的嗜好——業余鎖匠的由來。47 （18. Blum 138第三段第6-10行）

        １７８６年，圖盧茲科學院懸賞征文：“盧梭頌”。次年有兩人獲獎，其中一人就是巴雷爾，后來成為救國委員會的成員。（19. Blum 143頁第二段第1-5行）巴雷爾頌揚盧梭是公共道德的先知：“他對美德的熱情就是他的雄辯。只有這樣的天才的人才配稱為哲學家。。（20. Blum 143頁第二段第6-8行）呵，讓·雅克，所有的美德，所有的情感都將承認您是它們的導師，您是它們的楷模。”48（21. Blum 143頁第二段第12-13行）

        １７８９年，即革命爆發的這一年，法蘭西科學院預先公布的懸賞征文題目恰恰也是：“盧梭頌”。啟蒙遺老格里姆，在這年９月的通信中郁郁而言：“明年法蘭西學院的懸賞征文題目是盧梭頌，伏爾泰和達朗貝爾已退入陰影，人們還能說些什么呢？”49（22.全段翻譯自Blum 143頁注釋欄注釋19最后四行）

　　這一年歲末，《懺悔錄》第二部出版，首次公諸于世。當時的法國已進入革命，呈烈火燎原之勢。此書一出，無異烈火烹油，燃起更濃烈的道德火焰。一本匿名出版物《讓·雅克或法蘭西民族的信仰復興》（《Ｊｅａｎ－ＪａｃｑｕｅｓｏｕｌｅＲｅｖｅｉｌ－Ｍａｔ

ｉｎｄｅｌａＮａｔｉｏｎｆｒａｎｑａｉｓｅ》）大聲疾呼，正是通過盧梭的著作，這

個民族才學會“以美德劃分等級，最正直的人就是最偉大的人。”50 （23.全段翻譯自Blum 144頁第二段）

         １７９１年６月，在大革命高潮中，路易·塞巴斯旦·馬塞（ＬｏｕｉｓR ＳēｂａｓｔｉｅｎＭｅｒｃｉｅｒ）出版一本小冊子，題目赫然為：《讓·雅克·盧梭——首批被公認的革命締造者之一》。作者認為，盧梭教導法國的，就是“公共道德”的原則。這場革命就是奠基于這一基石：“盧梭看出，各種社會只能依靠公共道德的手段才能存在。他為此祈禱，將他的理論與統治偉大社會的高妙藝術置于公共道德之上。”按照作者的理解，當時的國民公會超越于舊制度腐敗觀念之上，把整個民族與盧梭的“公共道德”緊緊聯系在一起。“公共道德”是一種進攻性的武器，它能

使那些掌握它的人摧毀腐敗，它特別反對封建制度的原則：“榮譽”。國民公會“依靠的是盧梭的公共道德，而不是虛假的榮譽”。他分析說，盧梭已為這個民族鍛造了一個新詞：“愛國美德”。“這一新詞匯就是整個啟蒙以及所有勇氣的補足物。”

（24. 以上全段幾百字逐句翻譯自Blum 144頁最后一段至145頁第一段，Blum原文中這一段就加了五處注釋，但朱文一處注釋都沒有，全部照抄，觸目驚心！）

         值得注意的是，作者已把盧梭從其他哲學家中區別開來，說盧梭遠遠高于那些人，他是所有事變的關鍵因素：（25. Blum 145頁第二段第2-4行）

 人和人的創造者并不是他幸福的對峙之物。這種悲慘的來源是伏爾泰造成的。

          使盧梭超越于他同時代作家的，就是他的雄辯有一個道德的核心。（26.以上兩段見Blum 145頁倒數第二段全段）

 當死亡顛覆了哲學王國的主權，他們的威望之星似乎已黯然失色，失去了對后代人的光照，從這一天起，他（——指盧梭）的王國就已經開始了。在支撐法蘭西智慧宮殿的諸多棟梁中，只有一個人高懸于其他人之上。在那

根棟梁上，沒有一個人沒有讀到過他的名字，沒有一個人不把他的名字——讓·雅克·盧梭——鐫刻在他們的心上。詩人的榮耀似乎已經衰竭，與此同時，只有那道德作家的榮耀才能永存不滅。51 （27.全段見Blum 145頁第三段全段）

         同一年，詩人、記者兼都靈大使皮埃·路易·吉昂熱內，編輯出版《有關盧梭懺悔錄通信集》。他坦陳出書動機，就是為了趕盧梭升溫的輿論熱點，乘熱好打鐵：“這些信件都是

寫于《懺悔錄》第二部剛剛出現的時候，有些朋友催促我抓住這一時機。這時候，人們對這個通信集中心人物的紀念，在某種程度上已經變得神秘化了。” （28.全段見Blum 145頁最后三行至146頁1-4行）

（此段也是逐句翻譯自Blum，朱文沒有注釋）

　　 這時是什么時候？１７９１年１２月２１日，國民公會剛剛投票通過決議，給盧梭樹立一座雕像，并獎勵泰勒絲一份年金。（29. Blum 146頁4-6行）吉昂熱內看準這一時機，說盧梭的特殊人格正在成為大革命的象征，與上述馬塞的觀點相同，他也贊美盧梭，貶低伏爾泰。（30. Blum 146頁第二段第1-3行）他詳細描述了盧梭、伏爾泰之爭的細節，指責伏爾泰之所以攻擊盧梭，就是因為盧梭道德高尚。他建議，伏爾泰可以得到一座雕像；但題詞為：“迷信的摧毀者”，而盧梭的雕像，則應以金字銘刻這樣的題詞——“自由的奠基人”。52 （31. Blum 146頁第二段第7-13行）

（本段除了最后一句，前面都是逐句翻譯自Blum，朱文沒有注釋）　　

        社會上盛傳有關盧梭的種種神話。盧梭在法國的多處居所，被奉為圣地，那些地方的居民把盧梭像、盧梭書、盧梭警句置入神龕，供參觀者膜拜。53盧梭的信徒紛紛出現。有一個叫作亞歷山大·德雷依的信徒，寫信給另一個信徒說：“讓我們成為盧梭的朋友，一如基督徒成為耶穌的朋友”。54另有一個叫夏里埃夫人的婦女則聲稱她認識盧梭，并信誓旦旦地說：“我相信，我見到的盧梭確實與耶穌相似。”55 （32. Blum146頁最后兩行至147頁前三行. 盡管朱文標注兩個出處54和55來自Blum，但把頁碼都抄錯了）

　　對于這種盧梭生前遭人唾棄，死后卻受人膜拜的現象，啟蒙遺老紛紛覺得不可思議。格里姆私下給友人通信，嘆息說：“讓·雅克看來沒有崇敬者，只有崇拜者了。”56（33. Blum 146頁最后一段第9-10行）他們難以理解，也難以預料，一場規模更大的風暴正在向著法國走近。

　　到了這種時候，對盧梭的崇拜已超逾他個人范圍，成為一種具有普遍意義的政治化符號。它不僅遍布于下層社會，盛行于中層社會，而且彌散于上層社會。社會輿論在盧梭、伏爾泰之間的褒貶，也不僅是舊日兩種哲學傾向的延續，而是預示著兩種社會前途的對抗：是徹底否定歷史已然狀態的全盤革命，還是在接受已然經驗事實的前提下分殊緩進的局部改革？如果革命已在所不免，是克制在政治革命范圍，還是政治革命、社會革命、道德革命乃至革“革命”命的不斷革命？

　　應該說，大革命初期階段，大資產階級和自由派貴族聯手，確曾力挽狂瀾，試圖遏制盧梭式道德理想主義泛濫，將革命限制在一個有限范圍。但是，他們并未成功。這一階段歷史

教訓的思想史部分，與啟蒙運動密切相關，我們留待第五節討論。大革命第二階段，是代表工商資產階級的吉倫特派時期，這一派人后來為雅各賓派所推翻。然而，在崇拜盧梭推崇盧梭道德理想主義方面，他們與前任有異，與后任卻是息息相通。正是在吉倫特派執政時期，道德理想主義從民間思潮上升為上層政治的合法統治（見第七章第一節）。如果說法國革命創造了一種獨特的政治文化，57那么似應作出公正評價——吉倫特派領袖也參預了這一創造，不能完全歸功或歸咎于雅各賓派。雅各賓派對盧梭的崇拜，以羅伯斯庇爾為代表，后節再敘。這里可以列舉吉倫特派幾位著名領袖情況：

　　１、蒲佐

蒲佐為吉倫特派著名政論家，羅蘭夫人的精神戀人。他回憶一生的精神歷程，將他的信仰、道德追求歸功于盧梭：（34. Blum 141頁倒數第二段）

　　我的青年時代幾乎是粗野不馴的。然而，我的心卻并未受到放蕩行為玷污。那種淫逸的生活使我厭惡。直到我長大成人，絕無一句下流的言詞玷污過我的嘴唇。不管如何，我很早就懂得了什么是不幸。我對道德的追求堅守

不渝，道德的堅實是我唯一的庇護。我至今還記得我生命中的那一時期是多么令人激動，我從未背叛過那一時期：在那些日子里，我默默地在山間漫步，在小鎮的樹林里徜徉，一邊欣喜地閱讀盧梭或普魯塔克的著作，或者背誦他

的有關道德和哲學最動人的論述。58（35. Blum 141頁最后一段）

　　饒勒斯對蒲佐性格的形成有如下評論：

　　他的回憶錄反映了那種病態的自我幻覺和自我糾葛。讓·雅克那些平平常常的說教，被他吸收過來，形成了一種危險的氣質：在他的道德基礎上，自我確證，自我擴張，用一種帶苦味的鹽鹵，苦苦地腌制自己59。（36. Blum 141-142頁注釋欄）

　　２、布里索

　　這是一位比蒲佐更活躍，也更狂熱的吉倫特派領袖。１７９２年春天的對外戰爭，就是他主持外交事務時發動的。他這樣表述自己對盧梭道德理想的崇拜：（37. Blum 142頁倒數第二段）

　　盧梭應該成為所有世代的楷模。我弄不懂人們對《懺悔錄》的那么多非議。我也知道

人們把他形容為一個騙子、一個誹謗家，最溫和的說法，是把他說成了瘋子。我有此不幸，崇拜這個瘋子，并且分擔他的不幸，分擔那份濃厚的多愁善感，那顆道德的心靈。這絲毫不是因為他的風格，而是因為他的美德。他使

我熱愛美德，如果一個惡棍能使人熱愛美德，那就是一個偉大的奇跡。即使人們把盧梭說得如何不堪，附加一千個細節，更兇惡，更污穢，我也不改變我的觀點。我相信我內心的判斷。我與其相信盧梭有罪，不如相信這個指控他的世界，已充滿了偽誓、偽證。60（38. Blum 142頁最后一段）

        ３、羅蘭夫人

　　她是吉倫特派富有美感的象征。幾乎所有吉倫特派的重大決策，都是在她的沙龍里密議的。（39. Blum 140頁最后兩行至141頁第1行）對于這位大革命政治性格的詩意女神，我們可以多說幾句，從她的少女時代開始。羅蘭夫人未嫁時，已飽讀當時能夠找到的盧梭所有著作。（40. Blum 139頁最后三行）她說：

　　　　我感受到了一種尖銳的全身心的信仰，然而是那種只屬于我自己的信仰。擺脫所有那些包圍我、誘惑我、打動我的事物，我對自己說：“呵，美妙、溫柔、堅不可移的美德，你將永遠是我的財富、我的歡樂，……我遠離神學家的種種定義，我熱愛我信仰那些使我和別人共同幸福的幸福，我接受這種幸福，感受得到這種幸福。61（41. Blum 140頁5-11行）

　　１７８７年７月和８月，羅蘭婚后即安排了一次夫婦共赴盧梭晚年隱居地瑞士的朝圣旅行。他們拜訪了勃艮弟行政長官——尚帕涅，后者曾是盧梭好友，亦是盧梭與泰勒絲結婚時的 證人。作為一個已婚少婦，羅蘭夫人把她自己想象為盧梭式的人物，擴及她的丈夫。她在途中寫道：“我如饑似渴地閱讀朱麗（按：盧梭《新愛洛琦絲》里的女主人翁），不是第四次，也是第五次了。對我而言，那些書中人物已經和我們水乳交融地生活在一起了。他們將按照他們的脾性找到我們，正如我們找到他

們一樣。”62（42. 全段逐句翻譯自Blum 140頁第二段1-9行，朱文注解卻只包含最后的引號內容）

　　大革命爆發后，羅蘭夫人實踐了盧梭的婦女不宜公開參政只宜主持家政輔助丈夫參政的主張，給自己選擇的政治活動方式是：不拋頭露面，而是在家中主持沙龍，凝聚了一批又

一批有政治報負的男人。羅伯斯庇爾初入巴黎，就曾出沒于她的沙龍。羅蘭夫人給這些男人評定道德等級，將道德標準播撒于巴黎政治領袖活動范圍，形成特有的道德氛圍。當初羅蘭夫人看中羅蘭，是后者具有盧梭式的美德，正是在羅蘭夫人的沙龍圈子里，羅蘭后來被稱為“美德羅蘭”。也是在羅蘭夫人的沙龍中，這個婦人第一次把羅伯斯庇爾稱為“不可腐蝕者。”

（43. 全段翻譯自Blum 140頁最后四行至141頁第二段第5行，朱文沒有一處注釋）

         有歷史學家這樣評論羅蘭夫人：“對她而言，恰如她所崇尚的文學作品的模式，建立一個內在的美德理想是那樣專一、迫切，以致壓倒了對幸福的追求、甚至求生的本能。”63（44. Blum 141頁第二段最后四行）  

米什萊分析羅蘭夫人后來與雅各賓派領袖交惡，也是始于道德嫌惡：

　　羅蘭夫人后來逐漸怨恨丹東和羅伯斯庇爾，在某種程度上，是他們那種粗厲冷漠的靈魂刺激了她，震驚了她。除了道德語言外，羅蘭夫人幾乎沒有其他詞匯。那顆溫柔而又嚴峻的心靈，不僅僅是嫌惡那些被稱作邪惡的人，而且是仇恨他們。整個世界被整齊地切成兩半，所有的邪惡被強化為一半，所有的正義被強化為另一半。這就是在羅蘭夫婦的道德圈子里看到的情景64（著重號為本書作者所加）。

（45. Blum 142頁第一段、第二段） 

         吉倫特派和雅各賓派政見不合，血火相拼。但是雙方在接受盧梭道德理想這一點上，卻如出一轍。他們都傾向于建立一個“高尚靈魂（ｅｌｅｖａｔｅｄｓｏｕｌｓ）”的小圈子，以道德貴族代替血緣貴族，而且圈子越劃越小，先是排斥他人，最后卻被他人排斥。米什萊上述評論，不僅適用于羅蘭夫人，而且適用于整個吉倫特派，甚至適用于先是被吉倫特派排斥，后來驅逐吉倫特派的雅各賓派。

朱書文獻注解：

44. 愛弗瑞德·科班：《盧梭和現代國家》，倫敦１９３４年版第２章。

45. 雷蒙德·特魯松：《盧梭和他的文學命運》，巴黎１９７１年版， Ｐ５３。

46. 普朗編：《有關讓·雅克·盧梭流言的新聞和時間》，巴黎１９１２年版，Ｐ２２７。

47. 布羅姆：《盧梭和道德共和國》，Ｐ１３８。

48. 同上，Ｐ１４３。

49.同上，Ｐ１４３。

50.同上，Ｐ１４４。

51.轉引自巴奈：《法國革命中的讓·雅克·盧梭》，巴黎１９７７年版，第１０卷，Ｐ６０３４—６０３５。

52. 同上，Ｐ６０３８。

53. 同上，Ｐ６０３８。

54. 同47，Ｐ１４０。

55. 同47，Ｐ１４４。

56. 同47，Ｐ１４７。

57. 此說在國內由高毅首創，見高毅著：《法蘭西風格——大革命政治文化》。

58. 同47 ，Ｐ１４６。

59. 饒勒斯：《法國革命社會史》，８卷本。巴黎１９２２—１９２７年版，第５卷，Ｐ１８０。

60. 同47 ，Ｐ１４２。

61. 轉引自麥伊：《盧梭對羅蘭夫人的影響》，日內瓦１９６４年版， Ｐ１４５—１４６。

62. 同上，Ｐ１７５。

63. 同上，Ｐ２１３。

64. 米什萊：《法國革命史》，巴黎１９５２年版，第１卷，Ｐ１２６９。

1. Blum, p. 135: As Raymond Trousson remarked on his posthumous reputation: "Two currents of opinion distinguished themselves clearly enough. One is hostile, denigrating, but it scarcely extends beyond the world of letters; the other, which is constantly manifested, deep and powerful, animates the majority. Rousseau the master of sensitive souls, the teacher of virtue, persecuted, dying poor and abandoned at Ermenonville was not—could not be—this wicked man, this ingrate: his work adorned him with a halo."4

2. Blum, p. 135: As early as 1780 the Correspondance secrete of Metra (or Mettra) commented: "All religions have their pilgrimages; philosophy has its own. Already half of France has transported itself to Ermenonville to visit the little island devoted to him... the Queen and all the Princes and Princesses of the Court went there themselves last week."5

3. Blum, p. 135-136: The following year a collection of tunes called Les Consolations des miseres de ma vie ou Recueil d'Airs, Romances et Duos par Jean-Jacques Rousseau was published and its proceeds donated to the Enfantstrouves in the name of Therese. The list of subscribers included Marie-Antoinette, the Princesse de Lamballe, the Duchesse de Choiseul, Melchior Grimm, and Benjamin Franklin. 

4. Blum, p. 136: The Journal de Paris, under the editorship of three men close to Rousseau, Olivier de Corancez, Jean Romilly, and Louis d'Ussieux, was the central organ for publishing previously unedited fragments of his work and for a "veritable press campaign" to serve his memory.6

5. Blum, p. 136: Through the decade a series of plays were written in tribute to the philosopher;

6. Blum, p. 136: Some of these dramas, like The Shades Assembled at the Elysian Fields: Melo-Drama in Two Acts, and The Childhood of Jean-Jacques, were so primitive as to approximate the medieval mystery play, with Rousseau in the role of the martyred saint.

7. Blum, p. 136: Act I of The Shades Assembled featured Saint-Preux, Julie,

8. Blum, p. 136: Act II brought Emile and Sophie onto the stage

9. Blum, p. 136: The play ended with characters from Rousseau's works and the Sage himself singing songs from the Devin du village.

10. Blum, p.136: The Childhood of Jean-Jacques presented Rousseau, as a boy, and his father. The curtain rose upon the child asleep in a chair, his father still reading to him from Plutarch as the sun rose.

11. Blum, p. 136-137"You are getting to be a big boy, now/' said the father, "I'll soon be thirteen," replied Jean-Jacques. Father and son broke into a duet, set to the music of "J'ai perdu mon serviteur," which began: "Thus I lost her while being born / Your spouse and my tender mother" (p. 11).

12. Blum, p. 137: These numerous garbled homages served up a mythic Rousseau, who combined the miracle-child quality of the folk hero, the martyrdom of the Christian saint, and his own peculiar persona of the aggressively radical moralist.

13. Blum, p. 137: These plays continued through the Revolution, new ones appearing every year. No other eighteenth century man of letters enjoyed any such postmortem celebration.

14. Blum, p. 137: Numerous works appeared during the decade which elaborated the view that Jean-Jacques Rousseau was uniquely "virtuous" because he loved himself and that the rest of civilized humanity was largely decadent.

15. Blum, p. 137: Frangois Chas published a lengthy series entitled Impartial Philosophical Reflections upon Jean-J acques Rousseau and Mme de Warens, in which he explicitly labeled Rousseau's liaison with Mme de Warens, his abandonment of his children, and his self-involvement as so many signs of his moral supremacy.

16. Blum, p. 138: Rousseau's concept of virtue gained ascendance both in the spoken and the written word

17. Blum, p. 138: Bernardin de Saint-Pierre said: "I've known libertines who got married, young people who gave up eating meat, who slept on the hard floor, women who announced publicly that they owed him their very being. Several pushed themselves to become Heloises. [His] maxims have risen to the throne itself; queens have breastfed their infants" (pp. 18-19).

18. Blum, p. 138: Louis Dauphin, Louis XVFs father, was said to have been deeply moved by Emile and to have raised his sons according to precepts he found in Rousseau, including the one urging instruction in manual crafts, which was responsible for Louis's training as a locksmith.11

19. Blum, p. 143: In 1786 the Academy of Toulouse announced a competition (one of their famous Jeux floraux) for an elogy of Jean-Jacques Rousseau. in 1787 there were two, one of which went to Bertrand Barere de Vieuzac, who, as simply Barere, was to be a colleague of Robespierre on the Committee of Public Safety.

20. Blum, p. 143: Barere praised Rousseau for deriving his oratorical mastery over the public from his virtue. "His enthusiasm for virtue will be his eloquence," he said, and "it is thus that men of genius were philosophers."

21. Blum, p. 143: Oh Jean-Jacques," he apostrophized, "every virtuous and sensitive being will recognize thee for his master and model."

22. Blum, p. 143: Grimm commented in his Correspondance litteraire of September 1789: "the subject of the new Eloquence Prize proposed by the (French) Academy for next year was the elogy of Jean-Jacques Rousseau. What will the shades of d'Alembert and Voltaire say?" (Paris: Buisson, 1813), 16: 253

23. Blum, p. 144: The second part of Rousseau's Confessions appeared in the fall of 1789, at the beginning of the revolutionaries' efforts ... The publication seemed to have accentuated feelings of empathy ... An anonymous publication, Jean-Jacques ou le Reveil-Matin de la Nation franqaise (BN Lb 39 6823), insisted that it was through his writings that the nation had learned: "Virtue makes rank, and the most just man is also the greatest" (p. 174).

24. Blum, p. 144-145: Louis-Sebastien Mercier, in a work entitled DeJ-J. Rousseau, considere comme Vun des premiers auteurs de la Revolution,22 published in June 1791, set forth the doctrine that what Rousseau had taught the French was the principle of "public virtue," upon which the Revolution was founded. "Rousseau saw that societies can exist only by means of public virtue; he begged for it; he posed the basis of his theory and the sublime art of ruling great societies on public virtue" (1: 159)… According to Mercier, the National Assembly had risen above the corrupt thought of the ancien regime to align the nation with Rousseau's "public virtue." …For Mercier, "public virtue" was an aggressive weapon which permitted those who possessed it to destroy the corrupt. He opposed it particularly to the feudal concept of honor.23 The Assembly "depended on the public virtue of Rousseau and not on the chimera of Honor" (1: 168), he commented, …He analyzed a new vocabulary which Rousseau had given the nation, and which permitted it to conceptualize its destiny properly. The term "patriotic virtue, that is the complement of all enlightenment and all the types of courage" (1: 191).

25. Blum, p. 145: however, Mercier separated him from the other philosophes and described him as playing the central role in events whereas the influence of the others was on the wane:

26. Blum, p. 145: "man and his creator were never the object of his pleasantries, this miserable resource was made for a Voltaire" (1: 27). "What placed J.-J. Rousseau above all the writers of his century was that his eloquence had a moral character" (1: 19).

27. Blum, p. 145: From the day when death overtook those sovereigns of the empire of literature [the philosophes], the star of their reputation has seemed to tarnish and lose its luster for posterity, whose reign, for them, has already begun. Among those pillars which in France supported the

temple of genius, one alone remains elevated to its entire height, and on that pillar there is no one who does not read, or who does not engrave

with us the name of J.-J. Rousseau. [Between Voltaire and Rousseau]... the glory of the poet seems to have declined while that of the moral  writer had only extended itself. [1: 1-2]

28. Blum, p. 145-146: Pierre-Louis Ginguene (or Guinguene), poet, journalist, and eventually ambassador to Turin, described the reason that led him to publish his Lettres sur les Confessions de J.J. Rousseau:24 "They were written when the second part of the Confessions had just appeared. Some friends urged me to seize the moment when the memory of the one who is the subject of the letters has, in some way, become sacred."

29. Blum, p. 146: The moment of which he spoke was December 21, 1791; the Assembly had voted to erect a statue of Rousseau and awarded a pension to Therese Levasseur.

30. Blum, p. 146: Ginguen£ described the particular persona of Rousseau which was beginning to be imbued with intense significance for certain revolutionaries.

Like Merrier, he pitted his hero against Voltaire.

31. Blum, p. 146: Ginguene went on to detail the quarrels that had separated Rousseau from the  philosophes, blaming, in every instance, the latter and especially Voltaire for having attacked Rousseau because of his virtue. He concluded his remarks by suggesting that while Voltaire deserved a statue to be inscribed "to the destroyer of superstition," Rousseau's should carry the words "to the founder of liberty."

32. Blum, p146-147: Rousseau's disciple Alexandre Deleyre wrote to a fellow devotee in 1778, "let us be friends in Rousseau, as the Christians are in Jesus Christ."25 Mme de Charriere remarked that in her acquaintance with him, "I believed that I saw him assimilating himself with Jesus Christ."26

33. Blum, p. 146: Grimm had noted ironically in his Correspondance litteraire that "Jean-Jacques has no admirers, he has worshipers" (8: 462).

34. Blum, p. 141: Buzot, her political ally as well as her great love, wrote of his own early years in terms which underlined his solitude, his virtue, and his attachment to Rousseau.

35. Blum, p. 141: My youth was almost wild;... never did libertinage stain my heart with its impure breath; debauchery horrified me, and up to an advanced age never had a licentious word soiled my lips. However, I early knew misfortune, and I remained more than ever attached to virtue, whose consolations were my only refuge. With what charms I still recall that period of my life which can never return, when during the day I silently wandered the mountains and the woods of the town reading with delight some work of Rousseau or Plutarch, or recalling to my memory the most precious ideas of their morality and their philosophy.15

36. Blum, p. 141-142: Jaures comments: "He had mistaken the obscure sufferings of his vanity for the revolt of his pride. This sickly obsession with the self explodes in his Memoires.Mediocre disciple of Jean-Jacques, he inherited from him a dangerous disposition toward self-exaltation in solitude, toward nourishing himself, with bitterness, on his own virtue" (5: 180).

37. Blum, p. 142: The most active and influential member of the Gironde, perhaps even more important than the Rolands and Buzot, was J.-P. Brissot de Warville. Brissot,17 described a fervent faith in Rousseau's virtue:

38. Blum, p. 142: Rousseau deserved to become the model for all the centuries I am not unaware of the various judgments made of the Confessions. I know that people depicted him as a cheat, as a slanderer. The most moderate said he was a madman. I have the misfortune to adore this madman, and I share this misfortune with a throng of sensitive and virtuous souls. It is not in the least for his style, it is for his virtue. He made me

love it, and it would be a great prodigy if a scoundrel made virtue loved. But were they to add to the horrors told about Rousseau a thousand

other details still more atrocious, more infamous, I would not change my opinion, I would believe my inner feelings; I would rather believe the whole universe, testifying against him, was populated with perjurers, than believe Jean-Jacques criminal.18

39. Blum, p. 140-141: She presided as hostess over a salon frequented by politically ambitious men rather than influencing politics through direct action in her own name.

40. Blum, p. 139: the young Manon Phlipon, before her marriage to Roland, as being deeply identified with the Julie of La Nouvelle Helo'ise.

41. Blum, p. 140: She described her sensations at mass when she was a girl: "I experienced an extreme devotion at mass; but my own kind of devotion. Removed from everything around me, distracted, moved, I said to my Divinity: 'Oh beautiful, touching, unchanging virtue, you will always be my treasure and my joy.'... I leave the definitions to the theologians: I love, I adore what makes me happy with the happiness of others, what I conceive, what I feel."

42. Blum, p. 140: The Rolands made a journey to Switzerland in July and August of 1787, visiting sites enshrined in the Rousseau canon and even former friends of the Sage like Champagneux, the mayor of Bourgoin, who had witnessed Rousseau's wedding to Therese. As a married woman, Mme Roland expanded her image of herself as a Rousseauvian character to include her husband. "I just devoured Julie," she wrote to Roland, "as if it were not the fourth or fifth t i m e . . . it seems to me that we would have lived very well with all those personages and that they would have found us as much to their taste as they are to ours" (May, p. 175).

43. Blum, p. 140-141: Intellectually Mme Roland claimed to share with Rousseau the conviction of women's innate inferiority and the necessity of their complete subservience to the male figure. She presided as hostess over a salon frequented by politically ambitious men rather than influencing politics through direct action in her own name. One of the first habitues of her afternoons was Robespierre, with whom, as Gita May points out, she had much in common both ideologically

and temperamentally (p. 191). It was she who labeled Robespierre the "Incorruptible." Her husband was called the "virtuous Roland."

44. Blum, p. 141: "For Mme Roland, as for her literary models, the need to conform to an interior ideal of virtue became so imperious that it ended up by triumphing over the aspiration toward happiness and even the instinct for self-preservation" (May, p. 213).

45. Blum, p. 142: For Mme Roland as Rousseauvian heroine, the wedding with virtue meant the division of the world into the virtuous, with whom she belonged, and the vicious, whom she set out to destroy. Michelet commented:

Mme Roland, it must be said, had arrived in her hatred of Danton and Robespierre at a degree of irritation astonishing to find in such a stout

soul. She had scarcely any vices except those of virtue; I call by that name the tendency that austere souls have not only to condemn those

whom they call bad but to hate them; and moreover to divide the world exacdy in half, in attributing all the evil to one side and all the good to the other. That is what was to be seen in the virtuous circle of M. and Mme Roland.16

朱學勤：《道德理想國的覆滅》

第七章第五節：266至273頁         

Carol Blum: Rousseau and the Republic of Virtue

布魯姆：《盧梭與德性共和國》

   內外禁錮——輿論劃一與道德對抗

　　羅伯斯庇爾上臺之時，正是巴黎經受革命道德清洗之際。

　　在革命上層，人們推舉出比馬拉更具道德熱忱的羅伯斯庇爾；在革命下層，人們點火焚燒一切不合道德標準的文化“奢侈品”：燒書，燒畫，燒錦旗，燒舊制度文獻，燒所有從私人住宅抄檢出來的帶有貴族氣息的文化作品。據《導報》記載，從１７９３年至１７９４年，不斷有愛國者結隊沖進國民公會底樓，自發地進行焚書活動。(1. Blum: 220頁第三段第6行至第8行) 濃煙時常從國民公會的各個窗戶內飄逸而出，法國議會就在這種騰騰烈焰之上，大聲辯論他們的革命進程。(2. Blum: 220頁第三段第9行，承接上面來的)

　　１７９３年１０月２３日，一位革命前的精神貴族——主教蒂博實在心疼這些文化精品毀于一炬，詢問議會：(3. Blum: 220頁第三段第9行至第11行)

　　愛國者有什么權力燒毀這些從鄰居家里抄檢來的東西，即使這些東西證明是保皇主義或封建主義的標志？ (4. Blum: 220頁第三段第11行至第13行)

　　雅各賓黨人約瑟夫·德·謝尼埃平靜地回答說：(5. Blum: 220頁第13行至第14行)

　　不是有一些被公認是偉大的共和主義者的書籍嗎？比如說，他們之中有西尼和讓·雅克·盧梭。42（6. Blum: 220頁最后一行至221頁第2行）

        盧梭的著作和思想到了這種時候，就不限于一種無形的語言暴力了。它已與強大的群眾暴力、行政暴力相結合，形成一種公開的政教合一的政治暴力。(7. Blum: 243頁第三段第1行至第4行；作者曲解成“政教合一”，Blum并非這個意思)１７９３年６月１９日，《世界信使報》公然載文說：“人，僅僅是政府塑造的模樣。在一個民主政體下，在一種如此純潔的空氣里，在一個如此美好的政府下，母親毫無生產痛苦就生下了她的孩子”。(8. Blum: 264頁第二段倒數第7行至倒數第2行)

　　這正是盧梭改造新人思想，從哲學推行到政治實踐的關鍵點。盧梭當年曾抱恨沒有一個優秀的政府來塑造他所設計的至善人性，現在輕而易舉地由一家革命報紙堂皇說出，而且正在一個革命政府的行政推動下，輕而易舉地進入了社會實踐。

　　羅伯斯庇爾當然信奉這一主張。但是，他考慮得更為深遠。報紙雖有宣傳盧梭思想的這一作用，但是報紙七嘴八舌，有時可能爭奪政府對塑造人性的社會影響。１７８９年８月２４日，他在三級議會上的發言曾反對限制出版自由。但是到了１７９３年他顯然改變了這一看法。他更相信由政府來直接塑造人，也就是說，直接鉗制輿論，在此之后，掃蕩一切政府之外的文化媒體、知識分子。６月２４日先發出警報，他指出：

　　有一種最簡單最有力的力量，能把公共輿論引入各種主張和各色人等的混亂，這就是報紙為何在革命中總是扮演一種重要角色的原因。 敵人在出錢收買一些作者。43 (9. Blum: 265頁第3行至第5行; 此處朱文的注釋43照搬Blum注釋)

　　一個月后，羅伯斯庇爾進入救國委員會。８月８日，國民公會公布法令：“查禁所有陽奉陰違的學院、學術機構、醫學機構、藝術團體、法律機構。” (10. Blum: 235頁第三段第1行至第2行)８月１０日起，逮捕所有“反革命”的作家、記者。(11. Blum: 264頁腳注3第2行至第3行)《巴黎新聞報》的迪羅蘇瓦于８月２５日被推上斷頭臺，這是革命法庭處死的第一個新聞記者。44(12: Blum: 264頁腳注3第5行至第7行；此處朱文注釋44照搬Blum注釋) 根據這個月公布的監護者法令：民間街頭報紙要么被封閉，要么成為雅各賓派的喉舌。(13. Blum: 264頁第二段第1行至第4行)９月５日，在忿激派武裝示威要求下，國民公會決定把恐怖正式提上議事日程。救國委員會命令：關閉法蘭西劇院，逮捕所有演員。

　　下一步清洗的，是司法系統。這年圣誕節，羅伯斯庇爾簽署文件，由救國委員會發至各省，僅剩無幾的法理程序、科層制過程都被廢止。(14. Blum: 222頁第四段第1行至第4行)“加強革命，只能在一個自由的空間進行，這就是立法者之所以要清除阻礙道路的所有事物的原因。…… 到目前為止，我們清洗了不少人，但是還存在著很多有待清洗的任務。……革命法律的智慧只有在毫無阻礙的高空飛翔，如果增加它周圍的限制，它就會逐漸停頓下來”。45（15. Blum: 222頁最后一段；朱文注釋45照搬Blum注釋）

　　進入１７９４年春，恐怖主義呼聲更加高漲。馬賽軍事委員會宣稱：“法律的刀刃每天都應切下一些罪惡的頭顱，斷頭臺工作得越繁忙，共和國就越鞏固。” （16. Blum: 226頁第11行至第14行）（３月２６日）處死丹東派當日，奧布省來的議員說：“如果我們清洗了自己，我們就有權力去清洗法蘭西。我們不能讓異質團體再留在共和國軀體之內。”（17. Blum: 226頁第8行至第10行）處死丹東派后，圣鞠斯特也催促國民公會：“消滅所有幫派，只有這樣，共和國內才能只剩下人民和你們自己”。46（18. Blum: 227頁第5行至第7行；朱文注釋46照搬Blum注釋）

　　當時的國民公會形同虛設，大權已經集中在救國委員會少數人手中。羅伯斯庇爾等人進一步實踐盧梭政治哲學之真諦：讓人民的一盤散沙與最高寡頭的集權直接對位，中間削平一切社會團體。

　　１７９４年４月至５月，雅各賓派開始清洗巴黎各區的民眾團體。３９個區的民眾團體被迫解散。除限定每十天集會兩次的區會議以外，只有雅各賓俱樂部一個組織可以自由集會。雅各賓派俱樂部經多次清洗、分裂，此時亦辦成了官辦機關，成為政府之工具。即使如此，每逢集會，講壇上下亦派人嚴密監視。

　　在這一清洗民間團體的過程中，最具典型意義、亦具諷刺意義的是婦女參政命運的起落。

　　１７８９年三級會議所收到的民間陳情書中，有３３份要求改進婦女的命運。（19. Blum: 204頁第二段第1行至第2行）有一份稱為“法蘭西婦女的陳情書”寫道

“三級會議的組成，就概念來說，它既然能代表整個民族，也就應該代表我們。可是，民族一半以上的人口卻被排斥在外。先生們，這是一個問題，而這一問題傷害的是我們這個性別。” ：（20. Blum: 205頁第三段第6行至第11行）專門研究盧梭婦女觀與婦女運動關系的西方史學家保羅·費里茲和理查德·莫頓整理總結這批陳情書說：（21. Blum: 204頁第二段第2行至第4行。注：Blum原文是Ruth Graham，而不是保羅·費里茲和理查德·莫頓---Paul Fritz and Richard Morton，這兩人是Women in the 18th Century and Other Essays一書的編者，其中收錄了Ruth Graham的文章Rousseau's Sexism Revolutionized，這里Blum有注解，朱肯定看到了此注解，不然不會剛好用這兩個編者的名字，可惜弄巧成拙，搞錯了。）

　　婦女的陳情書雖不登大雅之堂，但正是這些陳情書提醒人們注意，婦女是被排斥三級會議之外的。１７８９年的法蘭西，危機四伏，也正是婦女們提出了一個治療藥方：盧梭的道德或倫理更新。47（22: Blum: 204頁第二段第4行至第8行；朱溫注釋47照搬Blum注釋）

　　婦女對盧梭的呼喚，在革命前夕和初期的盧梭熱中起了很大推動作用。革命前半階段的民眾運動中，婦女參政權確實大大推進了一步。（23. Blum: 208頁最后一行至209頁第一行）包括雅各賓俱樂部在內的許多政治性俱樂部都吸收了女性。《鐵嘴報》上也不斷鼓吹女權。（24. Blum: 209頁第一段第5行至第9行）但是，盧梭道德理想普及之時，恰恰正是婦女重回廚房之日。

　　法國大革命中，輕視婦女的封建傳統始終沒有全部消退。《人權宣言》中的“人”，指的是“男性”，而不是“女性”。(25. Blum: 209頁第二段第1行至第3行)１７９１年憲法中，亦將婦女劃入消極公民，這種觀念到了雅各賓專政時期，不僅沒有克服，反而由于盧梭幽閉婦女的理論影響，大大增加。（26. Blum: 212頁注解18第1行至第4行）１７９３年１月２５日，雅各賓黨人普律多姆反對里昂婦女組建政治俱樂部，（27. Blum: 209頁第二段第7行至第9行）首先發難：“里昂婦女俱樂部當她們這么做 時，是怎么考慮讓·雅各·盧梭在《社會契約論》里教育年輕女公民的那些完整章節呢？（原文如此，這些章節在該書中沒有，只出現在《致達朗貝爾——論觀賞》中）……婦女俱樂部將是家政的苦難淵源……。我們懇求里昂的那些好公民，留在家里吧，好好照看你們的子女吧，而不是妄稱什么懂得《社會契約論》！” （28. Blum: 209頁第三段全段）

　　有婦女代表用孟德斯鳩觀點反駁他：“在亞洲，從最古老的年代起，我們就被束縛在家務勞動中，用以配合專制統治！”（29. Blum: 210頁第二段最后三行）

        普律多姆用盧梭回敬孟德斯鳩：“有一個圣人曾經不斷重申，最好的婦女是說得最少的婦女，當他聽到這番高論時，恐怕會愁眉苦臉，頓生不快。盧梭斷斷不會喜歡一個婦女有如此高超的才智。如果婦女們也加入一個俱樂部，我們可就要把我們曾說要遵循自然、遵循理性、遵循盧梭所說的一切統統收回了”。48（30. Blum: 210頁第三段第1行至第5行；第9行至第10行；朱文注釋48照搬Blum注釋）

       １７９３年１０月，雅各賓專政出現反婦女參政高潮。１０月１日，王后受審，審訊中出現污穢不堪的性侮辱和性歧視。49１０ 月２４日，羅蘭夫人受審，３１日處死。１０月２９日，國民公會前 出現請愿者，要求“關閉所有的婦女社團”，“因為正是這些娘們才讓法蘭西受苦遭罪。”（31. Blum: 213頁第一段第1行至第3行）次日，阿馬爾以救國委員會名義在國民公會發言，提出三個問題，然后一一加以否定：（32. Blum: 213頁第一段第3行, 第5行，第9至第10行）

　　１、是否應允許婦女在那種特殊的社團里集會？

　　２、 婦女們能否掌握政治權力，在政府中任要職？

　　３、婦女們在政治生活或公共集會中能否保持頭腦冷靜，深思熟慮？（33. Blum: 213頁第二段第5行至第9行—包含以上三個問題）

　　他的否定理由是，“公共輿論拒絕承認”，？（34. Blum: 213頁第二段第14行至第15行）以及盧梭的理論如此規定——“男人們創造道德統治，女人們使得美德受人愛戴”。？（35. Blum: 214頁第二段倒數第4行至倒數第3行）

 　　經過一番辯論，接下來通過的法令是：“以任何名義建立的婦女俱樂部、婦女公眾團體，一律禁止。”１２月３１日，又發布補充法令：“婦女們只有在丈夫和孩子一起出席的情況下，才能參加社會活動。” ？（36. Blum: 215頁最后四行）

　　從此，曾熱烈呼喚過盧梭道德救國主張的法蘭西婦女，在雅各賓專政時期銷聲匿跡。（37. Blum: 215頁倒數第5行至倒數第4行）

 　　如此清洗，制鎮住國內輿論后，還有最后一筆，就是閉鎖國門，強化與外界的道德對抗。

　　法國大革命初期以世界主義面貌著稱。它曾以寬廣博大的胸懷，接納過歐洲各國的傾慕者和參加者。國民公會曾授予華盛頓、潘恩、克勞茨等外國革命家以“法蘭西榮譽公民”稱號，選舉潘恩為法國議會的正式議員。以世界主義為號召，法國革命甚至一度出現向外輸出革命的沖動。

　　但是，這種世界主義和輸出革命，本身就存在著道德優越和道德泛化的底色，一旦形勢逆轉，同樣的底色很快變幻為緊閉國門，排斥外人，關起門來實行“道德凈化”的另一面目。(38. Blum: 227頁倒數第7行至第6行)

        １７９３至１７９４年冬天，英國作出和平試探。（39. Blum: 224頁最后一行）接受或拒絕這一和平機會，一度成為丹東與羅伯斯庇爾的爭辯焦點。羅伯斯庇爾宣稱：“有必要注意英國的罪惡”。（40. Blum: 225頁第2行至第4行）科·德布瓦說，在英法兩國政府間沒有共同的基礎，“他不想拿英國的政府與法國的政府作比較，那就導致在所有美德的清單旁邊羅列一長串邪惡的清單。” （41. Blum: 225頁第4行至第8行）巴雷爾宣稱和平是腐敗的根本動力，“君主制需要和平，共和國需要戰爭精神；奴隸們需要和平，共和主義者則需要自由的酵母。” 。（42. Blum: 225頁第一段最后五行）

　　在牧月法令通過前幾個星期，羅伯斯庇爾簽署了一個報復英國的法令：獄中的英格蘭人和漢諾威人一律處死。(43. Blum: 263頁第3行至第6行) 英國隨之通過了一個對應法令。(44. Blum: 263頁第8行至第9行) 這樣，雙方都廢止了舊時代戰爭規則中不虐殺戰俘的人道規定。(45. Blum: 263頁第9行至第11行) 約克公爵呼吁對雙方戰俘都施仁政，羅伯斯庇爾以道德邏輯拒斥說——(46. Blum: 263頁第三段第1行至第2行)

　　自由與專制之間有什么共同點？美德與罪惡之間有什么共同點？……(47. Blum: 263頁第三段第2行至第4行) 那些與專制主義作戰的士兵應該得到救援，讓他們重回醫院，這是可以理解的；奴隸寬待奴隸，暴君寬待暴君，這是可以想象的。然而，一個自由人與一個暴君或暴 君的仆從相妥協，勇敢與怯懦相妥協，美德與罪惡相妥協，這是不可想象的，也是決不可能的！50 (48. Blum: 263頁第三段最后六行；朱文注釋50照搬Blum注釋)

這就把圣鞠斯特在國王審判案中的道德邏輯，延伸到外交事務中來了。盧梭抗英情結發展至此，雅各賓專政道德理想國實踐歷程行進于此，道德邏輯不僅磁化了國內事務，而且也磁化了國際事務。整個世界劃分為道德與非道德的兩個國際陣營，(49.Blum: 263頁最后一段)意識形態紛爭壓倒了民族利益，法蘭西政治文化的內戰風格延續到外部世界，不僅給法國人民造成長期的戰爭苦難，而且給近現代國際政治生活留下了深刻的歷史影響。

42.同③，Ｐ２２０—２２１。西尼（ＡｌｌｇｅｒｏｎＳｙｄｎｅｙ１６２２—１６

８３），英國政論家，曾參加英國革命，獨立派領袖之一，復辟時被處決，著有《論政

府》。

43.《羅伯斯庇爾全集》第１０卷，Ｐ５０３。

44. 吉爾克里斯特、瑪瑞合著：《法國革命中的出版界》，倫敦１９７１ 年版，Ｐ１２。

45. ＪB ＭB 湯姆遜編：《法國革命文件集（１７８９—１７９４）》，牛津１９４８

年版，Ｐ２７５—２７７。

46. 《圣鞠斯特全集》第２卷，Ｐ３７２。

47. 保羅·費里茲、理查頓·莫頓：“盧梭性觀念的革命化”，載《１８世紀的婦女及其問題論文集》，特累頓、薩拉索塔１９７６年版。

48. 里奧波德·拉科：《法國革命中的三個女性》，巴黎１９７１版，Ｐ１５—１５８。

49. 參見茨威格：《斷頭艷后》，Ｐ４４８—４５９。

50.《羅伯斯庇爾全集》第１０卷，Ｐ４９９。

1. Blum. P. 220: Throughout 1793-94, t h e Moniteur describes the Convention receiving groups of patriots bearing books, papers, paintings, flags, objects of all kinds which had been found in private homes, libraries, and collections, and burning them

2. Blum. P. 220: on the Convention floor while "dancing the Carmagnole in a circle around the flames."

3. Blum. P. 220: On October 23, Anne-Alexandre-Marie Thibault, former constitutional bishop of Cantal, had asked the Convention to clarify the situation.

4. Blum. P. 220: Were patriots really authorized to burn the belongings of their neighbors if they bore "signs of royalty or feudalism"? (Moniteur).

5. Blum. P. 220: Marie-Joseph Chenier replied cautiously that

6. Blum. P. 220-221: "there are some very republican books which are dedicated to princes, for example those of Sydney [sic] and Jean-Jacques Rousseau."

7. Blum. P. 243: Robespierre was accused of being a crypto-Catholic, working to restore the church's lost fortunes, but this is a misreading of his discourses. It was not the actual Catholic church for which he expressed admiration or respect, but rather the idea of a body of believers, held together in an ecstatic fusion of virtue.

8. Blum. P. 264: In the Mercure universel, for example, fidelity to the republican repudiation of original sin was demonstrated in the statement: "Men are only what the government makes of them. In a democracy (under a sky so pure, under such a beautiful government) the mother gives birth without labor pains...

9. Blum. P. 265: he pointed out on 6 messidor, "and one of the simplest and most powerful is to lead public opinion astray in regard to principles and men: this is why newspapers always play a role in Revolutions. The enemy has always hired writers; " (10: 503).

10. Blum. P. 235: A decree was passed on August 8, 1793, suppressing all literary organizations in France, including the Academic francaise.

11. Blum. P. 264: "Following 10 August [1793], the arrest of all counter-revolutionary authors was ordered

12. Blum. P. 264: Durosoi of the Gazette de Paris was executed on 25 August—the first journalist to be condemned to death by the new Revolutionary Tribunal." The Press in the French Revolution (London: Ginn, 1971), p. 12.

13. Blum. P. 264: The press, which had enjoyed a period of unprecedented liberty starting several years before the Revolution and lasting until the censorship decrees of August 1793, had become by the summer of 1794 a totally Jacobin organ.3

14. Blum. P. 222: On Christmas day, 1793, the Committee of Public Safety sent out a message to the departments, drafted by Robespierre, Billaud-Varenne, and Carnot, explaining the "reform of the laws." All red tape and bureaucratic procedures had to be eliminated:

15. Blum. P. 222: Revolutionary intensity can only be exercised in a free space, which is why the legislator clears the road of.. .everything which is an obstacle. Thus you will perform a useful sacrifice to the public good and to yourselves in rejecting from your functions everything which may act to the detriment of the fatherland, and thus against yourselves. Up until now we have purified men, there remains the task of purifying things The genius of revolutionary laws is to soar without being hindered in flight: it would be less rapid if it multiplied circles around itself.4

16. Blum. P. 226: The military commission at Marseilles announced to the Convention that "the blade of the law strikes off the heads of the guilty every day; the more the guillotine works, the more firm the republic becomes" (Moniteur, 6 germinal).

17. Blum. P. 226: Gamier (delegate from FAube) insisted: "if we purge ourselves it is to have the right to purge France. We will leave no heterogenous bodies in the republic" (Moniteur, 16 germinal [April 5, 1794]).

18. Blum. P. 227: "Destroy all the factions," he exhorted the Convention, "So that there remains in the republic only the people and you."

19. Blum. P. 204: Of the regular cahiers des doleances, according to Elizabeth Racz, thirty-three recommended educational reforms for women.1

20. Blum. P. 205: in a brochure, dated March 5, 1789, entitled "Doleances des Femmes franchises," was stated the following objection to the Estates General: "The notion that the organization of this respectable assembly of the Estates General, as it is presented to us, can really represent the entire Nation, while more than half the Nation is excluded; that, gentlemen, is a problem, and a problem injurious to our sex."

21. Blum. P. 204: Ruth Graham has studied the numerous pamphlets written by women in imitation of the authorized cahiers.

22. Blum. P. 204:  "The women's cahiers were unofficial but the very name reminded readers that women were excluded from the Estates-General. France in 1789 was in acute, economic distress; society was turned upside down and the women advocated one cure: Rousseau's regeneration of moeurs or morality."2

23. Blum. P. 208: under the National and Legislative Assemblies women enjoyed the beginnings of some direct influence in political affairs.

24. Blum. P. 209: A number of clubs admitted females to varying degrees of participation, including the Club des Indigents, Club des Halles, Club des Nomophiles, Club des Minimes, the Jacobins, and the Cordeliers.14 Several publications, including the Abb£ Fauchet's Bouche de Fer, pushed the cause of women's rights regularly and fairly aggressively.

25. Blum. P. 209: Under the "Jacobin Republic" these steps toward defining "man" as "human being" rather than as "male" were halted in the name of virtue, according to Rousseau's arguments.

26. Blum. P. 212: Paule-Marie Duhet comments: "The Constitution of 1791 had established the distinction between active and passive citizens: women... were part of the second category." Under Jacobin hegemony, however, this antidemocratic discrimination was jettisoned

27. Blum. 209: On January 25 of that year, Prudhomme had launched the attack against feminine participation in political life with an address to a recently formed women's club at Lyons.

28. Blum. 209: was a far cry from the behavior of the citizenesses of Lyons: What do they think they are doing, the club of Lyons women, teaching young girl citizens entire chapters of J.-J. Rousseau's Contrat social} In the name of the fatherland whose love they carry in their hearts, in the name of nature from which one must never stray, in the name of good  domestic morality, of which women's clubs are the scourge... we implore the good citizenesses of Lyons to stay home, to look after theirhouseholds ... without claiming to understand the Contrat social.15

29. Blum: P. 210: she finished him off with a quotation from Montesquieu: "In Asia from the earliest times we have seen domestic servitude marching in step with arbitrary government."

30. Blum. P. 210: Prudhomme rose to the challenge and responded: "The sage who repeated endlessly that the most estimable woman is she of whom the least is said would have been pained to read the letter of President Blandin-Demoulin; Rousseau did not like so much wit and such fine reasoning in women." If Cornelia had belonged to a club we would take back everything we have said according to nature, reason, and J.-J. Rousseau."

31. Blum. P. 213: On 8 brumaire a petitioner appeared before the Convention to demand "the abolition of all societies of women, because it is a woman who is responsible for the misfortunes of France" (Moniteur, 9 brumaire [October 30, 1793]).

32. Blum. P. 213: J. B. Andre Amar, who in April 1794 was to award Jean-Jacques Rousseau the honors of the Pantheon, spoke on 9 brumaire (the previous October), in the name of the Committee of General Security. He declared that no one could be forced to wear the cocarde, and then addressed himself to the three important questions: The Committee of General Security decided in the negative to all these questions.

33. Blum. P. 213: "(1) Must assemblages of women meeting in popular societies be permitted? (2) Can women exercise political rights and take an active part in government affairs? and (3) Can they deliberate in political or popular gatherings?" (Moniteur, 9 brumaire).

34. Blum. P. 213: Universal opinion rejects this idea

35. Blum. P. 214: Thus, in a republic where men "made virtue reign," women were charged with "making it loved."

36. Blum. P. 215: The Conseil general, however, did vote on 11 nivose (December 31) that at civic ceremonies patriotic women were to have a special place, "where they will be present with their husbands and children and where they will knit" (Moniteur, 11 nivose).

37. Blum. P. 215: they were, for all practical purposes, silenced.

38. Blum. P. 227: Jacobins seemed to turn away from the possibility of realizing their ambitions on earth and looked rather toward a divine reward.

39. Blum. P. 224: was challenged in the winter of 1793-94 by British peace feelers.

40. Blum. P. 225: Robespierre announced that it had become necessary "to pay attention to British crimes" (Moniteur, 21 nivose [January 10, 1794]).

41. Blum. P. 225: Collot d'Herbois began by saying that there could be no common ground between the two governments. "He did not want to compare the English government with that of France; that would be putting the excess of all vices up next to the sum of all virtue" (Moniteur, 24 nivose).

42. Blum. P. 225: Barere spoke up on 3 pluviose (January 22) announcing that peace was an essentially corrupt impulse: "Monarchies need peace," he claimed, "the republic needs the energy of war. Slaves need peace, republicans need the fermentation of liberty" (Moniteur).

43. Blum. P. 263:  A few weeks before passage of the Law of 22 prairial, a decree was drafted and passed under Robespierre's aegis declaring that no English or Hanoverian prisoners would be taken. This document served to destroy the conventions protecting prisoners of war

44. Blum. P. 263: Shortly thereafter, the English decreed denial of mercy, quarter, or acceptance of surrender of troops.

45. Blum. P. 263: Thus the old monarchical tradition, which had held that war was a bit of a game, one the soldier could sometimes quit before he lost too heavily, was abolished.

46. Blum. P. 263: Robespierre's response contemptuously dismissed the Duke of York's pleas for French clemency toward captured soldiers: "

47. Blum. P. 263: "What does liberty have in common with despotism?" he asked, "virtue with vice?"

48. Blum. P. 263: "That soldiers fighting for despots might give a hand to defeated soldiers to return to the hospital together, that is understandable; that a slave might deal with a slave, a tyrant with a tyrant, that also is conceivable, but a free man compromising with a tyrant or his satellite, courage with cowardice, virtue with crime, that is inconceivable, that is what's impossible" (10: 499).

49. Blum. 263: Thus in international affairs the world was divided into two moral camps; the French, and theoretically a few other republics1 personified virtue, while all other countries incarnated vice. Virtuous France's duty was to kill the wicked nations.

朱學勤：《道德理想國的覆滅》

第七章第五節：276至283頁

Carol Blum: Rousseau and the Republic of Virtue

布魯姆：《盧梭與德性共和國》

第八章第一節、霜月批判——百科全書派雪上加霜

　　盧梭的信徒與啟蒙遺老之間的論戰始終在進行。

革命初起時，孔多塞這樣的啟蒙運動后繼者尚在政治中心公開活動，（1. Blum：229頁最后一段第3行至230頁第1行）但其他百科全書派成員年事已高，亦因外界盧梭聲望日隆，大多隱居民間，深居簡出。（2. Blum：229頁最后一段第1行至第3行）８０歲高齡的修道院長雷諾爾，自１７８１年５月２５日逃避巴黎市議會的逮捕令，一直隱匿于馬賽，閉門著述。（3. Blum：230頁第6行至第7行,第8行至第10行）１７９０年８月，斐揚派傾慕其啟蒙思想家的聲名，宣布舊時代對他的逮捕令撤銷無效，邀其進入巴黎，登上議會講壇講演。（4. Blum: 230頁第14行至第16行） 不料這位白發老翁上臺后，向著底下正仰頭瞻仰他作為百科全書派化身之風采的眾議員輕蔑地掃了一眼，隨即就連珠炮般猛烈抨擊自１７８９年以來所發生的所有變化…… （5. Blum: 230頁第一段倒數第6行至倒數第3行）

（以上全段翻譯自Blum，全部沒有標明來源）

　　羅伯斯庇爾站起發言：

　　你們看，（自由的）敵人是如何懦弱，他們不敢親臨前線甘冒矢石，卻在這里舉起他們的遁詞。用心險惡者把這個有名望的老人從墳墓邊拖了回來，以利用他的弱點。他們唆使他當眾背棄了本來是構成他威望基礎的那些教義和原則。3（6. Blum: 230頁第二段全段; 注：朱文這里標注了Blum）

　　在羅伯斯庇爾建議下，議會把這個“昏瞆老人”轟了出去。（7. Blum: 230頁第三段第1行至第3行）從此，羅伯斯庇爾對百科全書派的厭惡公開化，與他們結下了怨恨。8. Blum: 230頁第三段第4行至第6行）

　　１７９２年４月，羅伯斯庇爾出版了《憲法保衛者》雜志。（9. Blum: 231頁第一段第1行至第2行）他攻擊的第一個靶子，就是米拉波曾在議會發言中多次提及的孔多塞與達朗貝爾的友誼。（10. Blum: 231頁第一段第8行至第10行；注：此處朱抄錯了，Blum原文中說提及他們友誼的是Brissot，不是米拉波Mirabeau，下面的Blum引文中也是Brissot先生）羅伯斯庇爾這一次公開數落百科全書派當年排斥迫害盧梭的惡跡：

　　米拉波先生，（朱抄錯了，應是Brissot先生）他對他的那幫朋友推崇倍至，提醒我們回憶孔多塞與達朗貝爾的友誼以及他的學術名望，譴責我們以輕率的語氣評論那些他稱之為愛國主義和自由主義導師的人們。可是就我而言，我從來就認為，在那些方面，我們除了自然之外，別無導師可言。我愿意指出這一點，那就是革命已經砍掉了許多舊制度下大人物的腦袋。如果說這些院士、數學家遭到攻擊和恥笑，那是因為他們曾巴結過那些大人物，并對那么多的國王奉迎拍馬，以求飛黃騰達。誰都知道他們是多么的不可饒恕：他們迫害過讓·雅克·盧梭的美德和自由精神！盧梭那神圣的面容我曾親眼目睹，按我的判斷，唯有他才是那個時代眾多名人中唯一的、真正的哲學家。他才應該得到公認的榮譽，而這種榮譽恰恰就被那些政治上的雇傭文人和心懷忌恨的英雄們用種種陰謀手段肆加踐踏！4（11. 這段全段見Blum: 231頁第二段全段）

　　百科全書派當年與歐洲各王室之間的關系，確實不如盧梭的民粹主義道德實踐那么漂亮；⑤百科全書派當年不寬容盧梭，也是事實。但是，這種哲學家內部的理論紛爭是否到了迫害程度，未必如羅伯斯庇爾所言。羅伯斯庇爾令人不安處，是他的這種強烈暗示：“革命已經砍掉了許多舊制度下大人物的腦袋。”羅伯斯庇爾所使用的“砍掉”這一字眼——正是當時民間流傳的“斷頭臺”一詞俚語。這種獨尊盧梭罷黜百家的肅殺之氣，預示著后來的“焚書、坑儒”（前文已述）一連串極端行動，已難以避免。

　　孔多塞試圖起來反抗。他指斥羅伯斯庇爾：“當一個人在他的內心或內心情感中毫無思想可言時，當他毫無知識可以填補他智慧的空白時，當他連把單詞聯接起來的這點可憐能力都不具備的時候，盡管他盡其所能設想自己是一個偉人，還有什么事情可以留給他做呢？通過好勇斗狠的行為，他只能贏得土匪，強盜的喝采。” （12. Blum: 234頁最后一段第5行至235頁第1行；朱沒有給出來源，讓人對其引號不知所以）

　　德穆蘭則主張在盧梭與伏爾泰之間應妥協調和。他提出，法國應該彌平它的英烈們之間曾經存在過的敵意。（13. Blum: 229頁第5行至第7行）他說：“伏爾泰和讓·雅克的遺骸都應該被保存為民族的財產。現在，各民族分裂為成千個碎片，同一民族內，某種碎片被一部分人認為是圣靈遺跡，同時又被另一種人視為瀆神之物，可厭之物。然而，這本來是一座神殿（指先賢祠——本書作者）。人們瞻仰這一神殿和它所收納的各種遺物時，本不該爭吵。這是古羅馬的神殿，應該把所有的崇拜所有的宗教融合在一起”。6（14. Blum: 229頁第9行至第14行；注：此處朱書標注引文來自Blum 227頁，但應該是229頁）

　　德穆蘭此言未免天真。當時對盧梭和伏爾泰、百科全書派的褒貶，正反映著現實政治生活中的嚴重對立，人們怎么會聽得進調和者的聲音？（15. Blum: 229頁第三段第1行至第5行）

　　１７９２年１２月５日，雅各賓俱樂部集會。羅伯斯庇爾在這次集會中發表重要講話，公開號召打倒百科全書派，（16. Blum: 233頁倒數第3行至倒數第1行）推倒雅各賓俱樂部中的愛爾維修胸像。當時雅各賓俱樂部中共有四座胸像：米拉波、布魯圖斯，盧梭和愛爾維修。（17. Blum: 233頁倒數第1行至234頁第2行）（這一段朱也沒有標明來源）羅伯斯庇爾說：

　　我看只有兩個人值得敬仰：布魯圖斯和盧梭。愛爾維修是一個陰謀家，一個可憐的詭辯家，一個非道德行為的始作俑者，是正直的讓·雅克·盧梭的最無情的迫害者！只有盧梭才值得我們敬仰。如果愛爾維修還活著，決難想象，他會加入自由的事業。他只會加入那群所謂詭辯家的陰謀集團，那些人今天正在反對祖國！⑦。（18. Blum: 234頁第二段全段）

羅伯斯庇爾的建議獲得一致通過。（19. Blum: 234頁第三段第1行）在一片歡呼鼓噪聲中，米拉波和愛爾維修的胸像被推倒，踩得稀爛。（20. Blum: 234頁第三段第2行至第4行）

（此段朱照搬翻譯，沒有標明來源）

　　接下來的一個月，民間開始出現反百科全書派浪潮。一個主題被反復強調：只有投身于盧梭式美德的雅各賓派才是“人民”，而反對盧梭者，不是陰謀家，就是人民的敵人。（21. Blum: 234頁第四段第1行至第4行；朱照搬翻譯，沒有給出注釋）圣鞠斯特宣稱，在人民的敵人里，他能辨別出這樣一類人：（22. Blum: 234頁第四段第5行至第6行）“他們曾忌恨并陰謀迫害過讓·雅克。”連德國來的無政府主義革命家克勞茨也來湊趣，說那些百科全書派尚存者“抱著團來懲治我，就像他們懲治過讓·雅克一樣。”8（23. Blum: 234頁第四段最后五行）

１７９３年春，盧梭遺孀泰勒絲來到國民公會，要求給予盧梭以置身先賢祠的榮譽。（24. Blum: 227頁第三段第1行至第3行）而在此之前，在斐揚派時期，１７９１年７月１１日伏爾泰遺骸已移入先賢祠。盧梭與伏爾泰能否置于一堂，成了現實政治中如何對待盧梭及其思想的敏感問題。阿馬爾出面接待泰勒絲，慨然允諾：“民族的代表們將再也不會延期償還盧梭的恩典了。” （25. Blum: 227頁第三段第4行至第6行）國民公眾經過激烈辯論，議決把盧梭遺骸送入先賢祠。（26. Blum: 228頁第1行至第2行）

（此段全部照搬翻譯，沒有一處給出注釋）

　　１７９３年５月，吉倫特派垮臺，啟蒙遺老進入地下狀態。（27. Blum: 235頁第5行至第6行）孔多塞隱匿不出，格里姆逃亡哥特，波麥賽逃亡英格蘭，馬蒙特爾隱居于諾曼底，留在巴黎的人只能秘密聚會，不定期見面。（28. Blum: 235頁第6行至第9行）專門研究這一問題的史學家卡夫克羅列了當時３８個人的命運，得出結論：“百科全書派的合作者決不是恐怖政策的合作者。” （29. Blum: 229頁第三段第5行至第10行）當時最著名的百科全書派地下活動者有三個：孔多塞、雷諾爾和修道院院長摩萊勒。（30. Blum: 229頁最后三行）這群幸存者在愛爾維修遺孀家里，秘密活動。這些人有：都德特夫人（盧梭晚年曾與之交惡，見《懺悔錄》下卷——本書作者）、米拉波私人醫生彼埃爾·卡布尼，以及前文所述那個給科黛作詩悼亡的詩人舍尼埃。（31. Blum: 232頁第三段第6行至第11行）時人稱他們為“盧梭式民主的敵人”。（32. Blum: 232頁第三段第12行至第13行；注：原文并不是“時人”，而是一個叫Sergio Moravia的人這樣說）（以上這么多內容照搬翻譯，沒有一處注釋）摩萊勒回憶說：１７９３年底的一個夜晚，他在杜伊勒里宮附近一家餐館里就餐，正好旁聽到鄰桌上的一場談話，談的是各區正在散發“愛國公民證書”，以甄別“正義者”與“邪惡者”。（33. Blum: 232頁最后一行至233頁第6行）一個人對另一個人說：“他們給了一個著名貴族一張愛國公民證！” （34. Blum: 233頁第6行至第7行）此人越說越憤怒：“那個貴族就是埃貝爾·摩萊勒！他寫過一本反對盧梭的書，我把他們從杜伊勒里區剛剛驅逐出來！” （35. Blum: 233頁第7行至第9行）摩萊勒一聽此言，趕緊拉下帽檐，悄悄溜走。⑨（36. Blum: 233頁第9行至第10行；此處朱的腳注標注為：參見卡夫克：“恐怖與百科全書派”，載法國近現代史，196年14期284-295頁，其實朱搞混了，這個腳注應該是Morellet, Memoires (Paris: Ladvocat, 1821), 2:97。朱抄的這個腳注內容也來自Blum，但Blum原文本用于上面的第29個標注，但朱文在第29處沒有給腳注，卻把它搬到這里來了，搞錯了；另外年份是1967年，不是196年，朱也抄錯了）

　　１７９３年１１月２１日，即霜月１日，羅伯斯庇爾在雅各賓俱樂部正式發動了反無神論運動。（37. Blum: 240頁第二段倒數第4行至倒數第3行）演說一開始，他就以黑白對分法，把“貴族式”的無神論和人民所廣泛接受的“偉大的主宰關心受壓迫的無辜者”的觀點對立起來，（38. Blum: 240頁第二段最后三行）頓時激起旁聽席上一陣掌聲。羅伯斯庇爾迅速把掌聲變為他的論據：“給我鼓掌的是人民，是不幸者。如果有人指責我的話，那一定是富人，是罪犯。”他暗示：國民公眾將采取恢復宗教信仰的重大步驟，并打擊那些瀆神者、非道德者。這就是著名的９３年霜月演說10。

　　“霜月演說”無異于發布對百科全書派的討伐令。（39. Blum: 243頁第3行至第4行）百科全書派雪上加霜，更難生存。繼此之后，羅伯斯庇爾又發表“花演說”，對百科全書派施以最后一擊。（40. Blum: 235頁第四段第1行至第3行）

　　１７９２年以來共和國境內的非基督教化運動，始終刺激羅伯斯庇爾的道德憂患與宗教情懷。在他看來，瀆神者是瀆德者，百科全書派的無神論抽空了共和國的道德基礎。（41. Blum: 243頁第7行至第9行）１７９４春丹東事件更使他把這筆帳記在百科全書派宣揚的世俗功利主義上。（42. Blum: 245頁第三段第7行至第8行）處死丹東的當天，巴雷爾曾宣布羅伯斯庇爾正在起草一項道德救國的宏偉計劃。１７９４年５月７日，羅伯斯庇爾代表救國委員會向國民公會提出了這一計劃，其中最富道德義憤的那一部分，就是對百科全書派排炮般的攻擊：（43. Blum：235頁第四段第1行至第5行）

　　這一派人在政治方面，一直輕視人民權利；在道德方面，遠遠不滿足于摧毀宗教偏見；……這一派人們以極大的熱情傳播唯物主義思想……。實用哲學的很大一部分就淵源于此，它把利己主義化成體系，把人類社會看作詭計的一場戰斗，把成功看作正義和非正義的尺度，把正直看作一種出于愛好或者出于禮貌的事情，把世界看作靈巧的騙子的家產。……人們已經注意到，他們中的好些人同奧爾良家族有密切的聯系，而英國憲法在他們看來，是政治的杰作和社會幸福的·最·高·點。 （這一段不在Blum中）

　　在我講到的那個時期里，……有一個人（指盧梭——本書作者）以其高尚的心靈和莊嚴的品格，顯得無愧于是克盡職責的人類導師。……他的學說的純正性來自自然和對邪惡的深刻的憎恨，同樣也來自他對那些盜用哲學家的名義搞陰謀的詭辯家的無法抑制的蔑視，而這，引起了他的敵人和假朋友對他的仇恨和迫害。啊！如果他曾是這場革命的見證人……，誰能懷疑他的高貴的心靈充滿激情地關注著正義和平等的事業呢！然而，他的卑怯的對手們為革命干了些什么呢？他們……與革命為敵，…… 腐蝕公共輿論，……把自己出賣給一些叛亂集團，尤其出賣給奧爾良派！11（44. 以上兩段朱注出了引文來自王養沖、陳崇武，問題不大；后面這段也出現在Blum 235頁的最后一段最后四行和236頁的第二段）

這是法國革命期間，對百科全書派所作的一次最猛烈最全面的討伐。盧梭和啟蒙思想家的理論是非，已經上升到革命與反革命的高度，百科全書派再也生存不下去了。（45. Blum：233頁第二段第1行至第4行；此處朱文縮簡）愛爾維修遺孀的地下沙龍被迫解散，啟蒙遺老非逃即亡，他們中的大多數人后來還是走上了斷頭臺。（46. Blum：233頁第一段最后五行；此處朱文縮簡）啟蒙主流哲學留給法國大革命的最后一絲影響，只有花月廣場上那尊無神論模擬像，等著羅伯斯庇爾付之一炬了。

注釋：

③此事可參見布羅姆：《盧梭和道德共和國》，Ｐ ２３０。

④《羅伯斯庇爾全集》，第４卷，Ｐ３５—３７。

⑤啟蒙哲學家與舊王朝、諸王室的關系，可參見索布爾１９８１年暑

假來華東師大講演稿。尤其是《哲學家與革命》一章，材料更為翔實。

⑥同③，Ｐ ２２７。

⑦《羅伯斯庇爾全集》，第９卷，Ｐ１４３—１４４。

⑧饒勒斯：《法國革命社會史》，第８卷，ＰB ７４。

⑨參見卡夫克：“恐怖與百科全書派”，載法國《近現代史》雜志

１９６年第１４期，Ｐ２８４—２９５。

10. 瓦爾特：《羅伯斯庇爾》，Ｐ３９１—３９２。

11. 參見①Ｐ２５８—２５９。

1. Blum: 229-230: three of the best known intellectuals of the ancien regime, Condorcet, the Abbe Raynal, and the Abbe Morellet, overtly refused to accept the revisionist interpretation of the Enlightenment which some Jacobins were attempting to propagate.

2. Blum. P. 229: the majority of former Encyclopedists and other philosophes left letters and memoirs recounting efforts to make themselves inconspicuous during the Terror,

3. Blum. P. 230: He persuaded the Abbe Guillaume-Thomas Raynal, one of the fabled names of the philosophic group, to leave his retreat in Marseilles. The abbe, in August 1790, was still technically wanted under an arrest order from the parlement of Paris

4. Blum. P. 230: The Assembly, moved at the thought of the old warrior's long struggles on behalf of freedom, declared the decree against him void and invited him to speak before the deputies.

5. Blum. P. 230: Opposition incarnate in one human being, the elderly radical looked down on the adoring faces of the delegates and delivered a blast of venom against everything which had taken place since 1789.

6. Blum. P. 230: Robespierre handled the momentary ontological panic of the Assembly with great aplomb: "You see," Malouet quotes him as saying, "how the enemies [of liberty] dare not risk a frontal attack and are obliged to resort to subterfuge. The wretches drag forth a respectable old man from the edge of his tomb, and abusing his weakness, they make him abjure the doctrine and the principles which founded his*reputation."13

7. Blum. P. 230: Rather than parrying Raynal's attack, Robespierre's response simply dismissed him as a befuddled dotard and indeed the abbe's eighty years,

8. Blum. P. 230: Nonetheless, Robespierre subsequently expressed increasing rancor toward the entire group of philosophes,

9. Blum. P. 231: in April 1792, he began publishing a journal, Le Defenseur de la Constitution (a misnomer since it had no bearing on the constitution)

10. Blum. P. 231:  In the first issue Robespierre took on Brissot, who had just made a speech in praise of Condorcet's long friendship with the Encyclopedist d'Alembert.

11. Blum. P. 231: M. Brissot, in the panegyric of his friend, while reminding us of Condorcet's liaisons with d'Alembert and his academic glory, has reproached us for the temerity with which we judge men whom he calls our masters in patriotism and liberty. For my part I would have thought that in those respects we had no other masters than nature. I could point out that the revolution has cut down many a great man of the old regime [here Robespierre used the sinister word 'rapetiss£' which was a colloquial term for guillotining] and if the academicians and mathematicians whom M. Brissot proposes to us as models attacked and ridiculed priests, they nevertheless courted the great and adored the kings in whose service they prospered; and who is unaware of how implacably they persecuted virtue and the spirit of liberty in the person of this Jean-Jacques Rousseau whose sacred image I see before me, of this true philosopher who alone, in my opinion, among all the famous men of those times, deserved the public honors which have been prostituted since by intriguers upon political hacks and contemptible heroes. [4: 35-37朱文腳注照搬Blum此引文出處

12. Blum. P. 234: Of Robespierre he charged: "When a man has no thoughts in his head or feelings in his heart, when no learning makes up for his lack of wits, when he is incapable, despite his best efforts, of rising to the petty talent of combining words, and nevertheless he aspires to be a great man, what is there for him to do? By outrageous acts he must earn the protection of brigands."19

13. Blum. P. 229: attempted to reconcile Rousseau with the philosophes in the tomb. Camille Desmoulins described the Republic's need to gloss over its heroes' antagonisms and to weld them into a posthumous united front.

14. Blum. P. 229: "the remains of Voltaire and of Jean-Jacques will be transferred there as national property. Nations are divided between a thousand sects, and in the same nation what is the holy of holies for one sect is for another a place of blasphemy and abomination. But there will be no dispute between men over the holiness of this temple and its relics. This basilica will reunite all in its cult and its religion" (Revolutions de France et de Brabant, 72: 321). 此處朱書標注引文來自Blum 227頁，但應該是229頁

15. Blum. P. 229: It is not always enough to bury a quarrel, however; one must first be certain it is dead. Such was not the case, despite the shared apotheosis of Voltaire and Rousseau, not only because of the profound vibrations of their fundamental discord, but because certain philosophes inconveniently lived on.

16. Blum. P. 233: In a speech at the Jacobin Club on December 5, 1792, Robespierre moved from verbal denunciation to symbolic act.

17. Blum. P. 233-234: He demanded that of the four busts decorat-ing the hall, those of Mirabeau, Brutus, Rousseau, and Helvetius, two be struck down.

18. Blum. P. 234: I see here only two men worthy of our homage: Brutus and Jean-Jacques Rousseau. Mirabeau must fall. Helvetius must fall. Helvetius was a schemer, a miserable wit (bel esprit), an immoral creature, one of the crudest persecutors of the good Jean-Jacques Rousseau, who is the only one worthy of our homage. If Helvetius were alive today, don't go believing he would have embraced the cause of liberty: he would have joined the crowd of conniving so-called wits who today are devastating the fatherland.9：143-44朱文腳注照搬Blum此引文出處

19. Blum. P. 234: This speech touched off a wild display of approval at the club,

20. Blum. P. 234: In the midst of shouting and applause, ladders were brought in, the busts of Mirabeau and Helvetius were thrown down and smashed

21. Blum. P. 234： "Men of letters" and "wits" were, from this point on, in Jacobin texts, synonymous with traitors. In the months that followed, one theme was constantly reiterated: the Jacobins who embraced Rousseau's "virtue" were the people.

22. Blum. P. 234: Saint-Just declared that in his enemies he recognized the same people whose

23. Blum. P. 234: "envy and malice persecuted the good Jean-Jacques," and Anacharsis Clootz claimed, shortly before he himself was denounced by Robespierre as a foreigner and atheist, that "they want to punish me corporally as they did Jean-Jacques" (Jaures, 8: 74). 朱文腳注照搬Blum此引文出處

24. Blum. P.227: Therese appeared before the Convention, accompanied by a deputation of the Republican Society of the Commune of Franciade (formerly Saint Denis), demanding the honors of the Pantheon for Rousseau.

25. Blum. P. 227: The presiding officer, Amar, responded to the visitors by declaring that "the national representatives would not delay paying the debt they owed to the most intrepid defender of the rights of the people;

26. Blum. P. 228: the Convention decreed that Rousseau's remains be brought to the Pantheon

27. Blum. P. 235: When the Terror moved into its most active phase with the fall of the Gironde in May of 1793, Condorcet went into hiding.

28. Blum. P. 235: Condorcet went into hiding. A number of other intellectuals of the old regime were abroad, imprisoned, or dead. Grimm had fled to Gotha, Beaumarchais to England, Marmontel was hoping to escape notice in Normandy,

29. Blum. P. 229: Frank A. Kafker, in an effort to determine whether the Encyclopedists who had survived into the Terror were active supporters of it, examined the revolutionary fortunes of thirty-eight men who had contributed to the great dictionary and concluded:

30. Blum. P. 229: three of the best known intellectuals of the ancien regime, Condorcet, the Abbe Raynal, and the Abbe Morellet,

31. Blum. P. 232: Pierre Cabanis who had been Mirabeau's physician, Constantin de Volney, the Abbe Sieves, Andre Chenier, Condorcet for a time and Mme Condorcet after her husband went into hiding, Mme d'Houdetot, who had so inflamed Rousseau, M. d'Houdetot, and a handful of others banded together in Auteuil at the home of Mme Helvetius, the widow of the wellknown materialist philosopher.

32. Blum. P. 232: Sergio Moravia has characterized them as "adverseries of Rousseauvian democracy,"

33. Blum. P. 232-233: Abbe Morellet. He recounts how one evening while dining near the Tuileries he overheard one of Hebert's dinner companions telling the Pere Duchesne that the sections were dispensing certificates of "civisme" too casually. These certificates, awarded by neighborhood committees, were necessary for survival in revolutionary Paris, for without one a person was liable to arrest as a "suspect"

34. Blum. P. 233: "They gave one to a well-known aristocrat,"

35. Blum. P. 233: Pere Duchesne's friend announced indignantly, "the Abbe Morellet whom I had thrown out of the Tuileries section for having written against J.-J. Rousseau."17

36. Blum. P. 233: Morellet recounts scuttling from the restaurant only to risk his neck朱文此處的腳注抄錯

37. Blum. P. 240: On 1 frimaire, at the Jacobins, Robespierre began his crusade against "atheism."

38. Blum. P. 240: From the beginning he meant to oppose atheism, which was "aristocratic," to the idea of a "great Being who watches over oppressed innocence," an idea that was "completely plebeian."3

39. Blum. P. 243: Within this context Robespierre began to formulate the attack on the philosophes which was discussed in the previous chapter.

40. Blum. P. 235: At the meeting of the Jacobin Club on 18 floreal (1794), three months before Thermidor, Robespierre put the finishing touches on his indictment of the now defunct "coalition" formed by the philosophes

41. Blum. P. 243: To have denied the existence of God and the communion of believers in favor of some individualistic rational doctrines was to undermine the foundation of the republic of virtue.

42. Blum. P. 245: he came to Danton, with an accusation which defined the orator's corruption:

43. Blum. P. 235: At the meeting of the Jacobin Club on 18 floreal (1794), three

months before Thermidor,Robespierre put the finishing touches on his indictment of the now defunct "coalition" formed by the philosophes in anticipation of the Revolution, which, according to him, they had foreseen. Among the philosophes before the Revolution, he said:

44. Blum. P. 235: Among those who were outstanding in the world of letters there was one man who, by the loftiness of his soul and the grandeur of his character, showed himself worthy of the ministry of preceptor of the human race. [10: 454—55] depicted in strokes of flame the charms of virtue... The purity of his doctrine, imbibed from nature and from a profound hatred of vice, as well as his invincible contempt for the scheming intriguers who usurped the name of philosophes, called forth the hatred and persecution of his rivals and false friends. Ah! Had he been the witness of this revolution of which he was the precursor, who can doubt that his generous soul would have embraced the cause of justice and equality with transports of joy? But what did his cowardly adverseries do? They fought against the Revolution. [10: 455-56]

45. Blum. P. 233: The existence of this group with its lingering aura of political heroism, intellectual prestige, impeccable elegance and ironic snobisme drew fire from Robespierre as much as it had from Rousseau, and on much the same grounds.

46. Blum. P. 233: he escaped the fate which befell other members of the group in Auteuil, like the poet Andre Chenier, who was executed, and the luckless aphorist Sebastien-Roch Chamfort, who attempted suicide three different ways and yet managed to survive his last attempt for a few months.

朱學勤：《道德理想國的覆滅》

第八章第五節：298至302頁

Carol Blum: Rousseau and the Republic of Virtue

布魯姆：《盧梭與德性共和國》

298頁——

從牧月法令通過，到熱月政變，不到５０天的時間，僅巴黎一地就處死１３７６人，平均每周達１９６人，殺人最多時每天達

５０人。35

　　塞納河水，實在是太紅了。

　　美德越位，恐怖越位，斷頭臺也大大越位。盧梭的革命，開始大量吞食盧梭之子：處死者中屬于原特權等級者逐步減少，６月只占１６B ５％，７月更降到５％，其余均為資產階級、下層群眾、軍人、官員，其中下層群眾則高達４０％以上！36

（這兩段來源其他文獻，不在Blum一書中。）

第299頁——

        廣場上一片沉寂，洞穴內暗室四起。雅各賓派失盡人心，國民公會內種種反對派陰謀四處蔓延。有些議員自牧月令公布之日起，即不敢回家睡覺，害怕被捕 （1.Blum：260頁倒數第7行至倒數第6行）。牧月24日（6月12日），布爾東和梅蘭在議會發言，要求澄清牧月法令是否廢紙了議員不受逮捕的豁免權（2.Blum：260頁倒數第2行至261頁第2行）。羅伯斯庇爾認為，這兩個議員的發言是“企圖把救國委員會從山岳黨人分離開來” （3.Blum：261頁第4行至第6行）。

（以上全段沒有標出來源）

        他說：“允許一些陰謀家分裂山岳黨人，并且自封為黨派領袖，就是對人民的殘忍，對人民的謀殺。” （4.Blum：261頁第13行至第14行）

        布爾東要求出示證據：“我決不想自封為一黨領袖，我要求你拿出剛才那番指控的證據，我已經被說成一個邪惡者了”！” （5.Blum：261頁第15行至第18行）

         羅伯斯庇爾：“我決不是指布爾東。誰要是對好入座，算他活該。我的職責迫使我描繪這樣一幅肖像，如果他認出這便是他，我沒有權力阻止他。是的，山岳當人是純潔的，它是高尚的，而陰謀家絕不是山岳黨成員。” （6.Blum：261頁第19行至第23行）

        一個聲音高叫著：“指出他的名字！” （7.Blum：261頁第24行）

        羅伯斯庇爾：“到應該指出來的時候，我會指出他的名字！” 37（8.Blum：261頁第25行）

         辯論表明，羅伯斯庇爾已再現盧梭晚年的這一心態：（9.Blum：265頁倒數第6行至倒數第5行）既然我是道德的，那么反對者只可能是站在反道德立場上反對我；而反道德者不是有錯，只可能是有罪；唯我有美德，他人在犯罪……：（10.Blum：265頁最后一行至266頁第4行）羅伯斯庇爾已經進入內省確信狀態，不需要證據，他就可以憑直覺指控任何一個反對者，這樣一個直覺敏銳者、“激情迅猛者”，又是大權在握！議院內人人自危，如湯澆蚊穴，一片慌亂。

第300頁——

         牧月27日（6月15日），瓦迪埃向國民公會報告卡特琳泰奧事件。被告泰奧是個民間巫婆，逮捕是在他的草墊下發現了一封給羅伯斯庇爾的信，信中把羅伯斯庇爾稱為“神人”、“救世主” （11.Blum：265頁第三段最后4行）。泰奧于5月28日被捕，即花月法令前，拖到此時來公布，顯然是有反對派暗中活動，以此敗壞羅伯斯庇爾花月令、牧月法令的道德聲譽（12. Blum：265頁第二段第5行至第8行）。羅伯斯庇爾閉門起草反擊報告。他悲憤地寫道：

     “這是為什么，我們總是要提及我們自己？…… （13.Blum：266頁第6行至第7行）

     “我們為什么不為自己辯護，就不能為共和國辯護？（14.Blum：266頁第8行）

     “他們為什么總是要把我們和公共利益綁在一起，以致我們如果不為自己辯解，就不能為政府，為國民公會的各項原則辯解？” ？38（15. Blum：266頁第9行至第11行）

        羅伯斯庇爾已無可挽回地進入了盧梭晚年的悲劇處境，控訴者被控訴，連語言都極其相似：（16. Blum：265頁倒數第6行至倒數第5行）。當他仰天悲問，“他們為什么總是要把我們和公共利益綁在一起？(pourquoi nous a-t-on lies a l'interet general?) ” 。：（17. Blum：266頁第三段第3行至第5行，此處法語也完全照搬Blum，一詞不多，一詞不少）他已預設了一個前提：他為自己辯護，就是為人民辯護。“我就是人民”，在這里又一次出現。奇麗斯瑪的外傾語式是“無限上綱”：不同政見者必是道德邪惡者，道德邪惡者必是道德罪惡者。：（18. Blum：266頁第三段第1行至第3行）。奇麗斯瑪的內傾語式是“預先聯系”：把自己和人民、共和國連成一體，攻擊他，就是攻擊人民，共計共和國。前者為矛，后者為盾。（19. Blum：266頁第三段第5行至第8行）“我——道德——人民”，成了奇麗斯瑪怯魅入巫所陷入的最大語言巫區。（20. Blum：266頁第三段第8行至第10行）

         7月9日，羅伯斯庇爾出現于雅各賓俱樂部講演，他再一次強調花月法令的意義：

第301頁——

        所有拯救過共和國的法令中，最崇高的法令唯有這一項法令，它把共和國從腐敗者的手中奪了回來，它使所有的人民從暴君手中釋放了出來，這就是使得美德和城市成為生活秩序的法令，然而，那些只愿帶著自由面具的人，卻在美德法則的貫徹過程中投下了巨大的障礙。39（21. Blum：271頁第二段全段）

        又過了一星期，離事變前10天，他再次把自己的困境歸結為花月法令激起的抵抗，他們中的大多數人對美德這一詞語的信念，僅限于家政和私人義務，決不愿將其理解為公共道德，理解為對人民事業的全部奉獻，而后一點正是美德的英雄主義、共和國的唯一支柱、人類幸福的唯一保證。40（22. Blum：271頁第三段第7行至第11行）

         羅伯斯庇爾似乎朦朧意識到，所有的問題就出在這個道德邊界的認定？道德通常被人理解為私人事務，而他則堅持道德必須成為強制性的公共狀態，必須成為國家、政治、乃至文明歷史的唯一基礎。（23. Blum：271頁第三段第1行至第3行）

         7月26日，臨事變前夜，他再國民公會演說，也是他生平最后一次演說。（24. Blum：272頁第三段第1行至第2行）歷史學家將其稱為他的“政治遺囑”。冥冥之中，他似乎預感到什么，急不可待地向歷史交代，他此生信仰與這一場革命統一于美德這一基點：（25. Blum：274頁第二段第1行至第2行）

         我只知道有兩種人：正直的公民與邪惡的公民。（26. Blum：273頁第三段第1行、第3行）愛國主義不是一個政治黨派問題，而是心靈問題。（27. Blum：273頁第三段第4行）誰能作出這種區別？良知和正義。（28. Blum：273頁第三段第6行至第7行）

第302頁——

         我說的是什么？美德！（29. Blum：273頁最后一第1行）沒有美德，一場偉大的革命只不過是一種亂哄，是一種罪惡摧毀另一種罪惡。（30. Blum：274頁第一段第3行至第4行）拿走我的良知，我就成了一個可憐的人。41（31. Blum：274頁第一段最后一句）

         7月27日晚，熱月事件發生。羅伯斯庇爾在國民公會議員們的叫罵聲中被捕，他留給這個嘈雜大廳的最后一句話是：“強盜們得勝，共和國完了。”當晚8點半至11點，他曾被短暫地營救出3個小時。但在這3個小時內，他無所作為，只是用手槍打碎了自己的下巴。在被人推上斷頭臺前，他先打碎了自己的鐵嘴——語言器官。7月28日下午6點，羅伯斯庇爾一行22人被送到停放斷頭臺的廣場。7點半，他被推上斷頭臺。他臨行前沉默不語，亦不能語，只是在沉默中最后一次聆聽廣場上的群眾歡呼：“國民公會萬歲！”（最后這一部分不知道出處，有可能是陳崇武的。不過，這個已經不重要了。朱大量剽竊了Blum，連小學生都看得出來。）

注釋：

35.迪金森：《近代法國的革命與反動》，倫敦１９２７年版，Ｐ３３。

36.轉引自張芝聯主編：《法國通史》，北京大學出版社，１９８９年版，

Ｐ１９０。

37.《羅伯斯庇爾全集》，第１０卷，Ｐ４９２—４９４。

38. 同上，Ｐ ５０７。

39. 同上，Ｐ５１９。

40. 同上，Ｐ５３１。

41. 同上，Ｐ５５４—５５６。

1. Blum. P. 260: He alluded to rumors: a number of deputies to the Convention no longer slept in their beds, fearing arrest in the middle of the night.

2. Blum. P. 260-261: On 24 prairial, Bourdon (delegate from l'Oise) and Merlin (from

Douai) demanded an amendment to the law of 22 prairial which would exclude the members of the Convention themselves from arrest, trial, and execution under its provisions.

3. Blum. P. 261: He stated that Bourdon was attempting to separate the Committee [of Public Safety] from the Mountain.

4. Blum. P. 261: Robespierre continued, "it would be assassinating the people to permit some schemers to drag off a portion of this Mountain and make themselves party leaders."

5. Blum. P. 261: Bourdon's reply was to deny the role Robespierre assigned him. "I never intended to make myself a party leader," he protested. "I demand that what was just claimed be proven; I have just been called a scoundrel—"

6. Blum. P. 261: "I did not name Bourdon," Robespierre replied. "Woe unto him who names himself. If he wishes to recognize himself in the general portrait that duty forces me to trace, I cannot stop him. Yes, the Mountain is untainted, it is sublime, and schemers are not part of the Mountain."

7. Blum. P. 261: A voice called out: "Name them."

8. Blum. P. 261: "I will name them when the time comes," Robespierre replied. [10:

492-94]朱文此處照搬此注解，注為： 第10卷, P. 492-494

9. Blum. P. 265: Robespierre's reaction demonstrated the parameters of self-generated virtue in the same way that Rousseau juge de Jeanjacques had done.

10. Blum. P. 265-266：Both Robespierre and Rousseau, after long, persistent, and successful efforts to center attention upon their revealed selves as incarnations of virtue, struggling with the evil of the world, uttered reactions of surprise and hurt when they suddenly experienced that attention as unfriendly.

11. Blum. P. 265: Vadier and Barere presented a report in the name of the committees of Public Safety and General Security, claiming that "the Mother of God" was addressing

Robespierre as her "first prophet, the son of the Supreme Being, the Redeemer, the Messiah.

12. Blum. P. 265: but the real accused was understood to be Robespierre himself, and the accusation was that of aspiring not to dictatorship but to divinity. The records of the trial of Theot suggest an atmosphere of farce.

13. Blum. P. 266: "Why is it," he asked, "that we always have to mention ourselves?"

14. Blum. P. 266: Why can we not defend the public good without defending ourselves?

15. Blum. P. 266: Why have they so bound us to the public interest, that we cannot speak

in favor of the government, of the principles of the National Convention, without seeming to speak of ourselves? [10: 507] 朱文此處照搬此注解，注為：同上, P.507

16. Blum. P. 265: Robespierre's reaction demonstrated the parameters of self-generated virtue in the same way that Rousseau juge de Jeanjacques had done.

17. Blum. P. 266: When Robespierre asked "Why have they bound us to the public interest? (pourquoi nous a-t-on lies a l'interet general?),"

18. Blum. P. 266: Robespierre, like Rousseau, was claiming the right to experience in a passive way as external evil the situation he had actively created, as internal good.

19. Blum. P. 266: the identity between himself and the people, upon which he had so intensely insisted, he now described as an alien and suspicious connection, one designed to make him seem contemptible.

20. Blum. P. 266: It was as if the heroic figure that he called himself were suddenly exposed in a different light, in which it took on a comic aspect.

21. Blum. P. 271: Of all the decrees which have saved the Republic, the most sublime, the only one that wrenched it from corruption's grasp and freed all the people from tyranny, is the one which made virtue and probity the order of the day [18 floreal]. If this decree had been executed, liberty would have been perfectly established and we would not need to make the grandstands ring with our voice; but the men who wear only the mask of virtue put the greatest obstacles into the execution of virtue's own laws. [10: 519] 朱文此處照搬此注解，注為：同上, P.519

22. Blum. P. 271: At most they understand by the word virtue a faithfulness to certain domestic and private obligations, but never the public virtues, never the generous devotion to the cause of the people which is the heroism of virtue and the only support of the Republic, the only pledge of the happiness of the human race. [10: 531] 朱文此處照搬此注解，注為：同上, P.531

23. Blum. P. 271: When virtue was solemnly made the order of the day, the enemies of

the Republic did not associate the idea of every man and every citizen's sacred and sublime duties toward the Fatherland and humanity with the word virtue.

24. Blum. P. 272: Robespierre's last speech, on 8 thermidor, took place before the Convention, where he had not appeared since 24 prairial.

25. Blum. P. 274: This impassioned discourse described, for the last time, Robespierre's

dynamic model of the French Revolution as a fusion in virtue.

26. Blum. P. 273: "I know of only two parties," he continued, "that of the good citizens and that of the bad citizens;

27. Blum. P. 273: patriotism is not a question of party but of the heart.

28. Blum. P. 273: Who will make this distinction? Good sense and justice."

29. Blum. P. 273: What am I saying, Virtue!

30. Blum. P. 274: without which a great revolution is but a dazzling crime which

destroys another crime.

31. Blum. P. 274: Take away my conscience and I am the most miserable of men. [10: 554-56] 朱文此處照搬此注解，注為：同上, P.554-556

朱學勤：《道德理想國的覆滅》

第七章第二節：243至249頁

Carol Blum: Rousseau and the Republic of Virtue

布魯姆：《盧梭與德性共和國》
pp. 182-194

二、道德救贖——重組市民社會

　　奇理斯瑪升出了地平線。這是一次輝煌的日出嗎？在它化為日落之前，確實是。法國社會學家杜爾凱姆說：“在法國革命最初的幾年里，社會固有的那種自我神話或創造神明的傾向空前顯著地表現了出來。這種宗教有自己的殉道者和傳道者，深深感化了廣大群眾，最終還產生了一些偉大的事物”。11

　　道德救贖之擴張，當務之急是觀念先行，倒果為因，把塑造道德新人的教育革命放在首位。１７９３年６月２３日，雅各賓

執政的第一個月，即公布教育體制改革的法令。（1. Blum，182頁最后一行至183頁第一段末尾。原文是：雅各賓派認為，社會作為一個整體造就人，不以共和制社會結果取代舊的社會結構，塑造道德新人的努力注定只能失敗。所以教育的問題，就放在了首位。朱照搬部分原文，不加注釋，又不把Blum的內容理清--即雅各賓派為什么認為教育要先行，反而加上主觀的“倒果為因”妄加評斷）

　　圍繞著塑造新人和教改方案，國民公會展開了激烈辯論。

　　雅各賓黨人俾約·瓦倫出版了一本《共和主義基礎知識》的小冊子，提出革命者必須承擔起“提高人民道德”的責任，國家必須代替父權，抓起年輕一代的教育。否則，“你們必將失去年輕的一代”。（2. Blum，183頁第1行，第4行，第8-10行）他盛贊斯巴達教育“是轉向道德的一個明顯例證，這一例證說明，從腐敗道德向簡樸道德的轉化能夠進行，而且要比敗壞一顆正常心靈更容易、更迅速。人們如何能夠懷疑，人生來就有一種不可抗拒的天性，傾向于追求并崇尚美德？” （3. Blum，183頁第三段全段逐句照搬翻譯；Blum此處給了注釋，朱沒有。）

（以上全段全部翻譯自Blum，沒有一處注釋。）

　　孔多塞，杰出的數學家，百科全書派當時僅存的一個活著的成員，也提出了一個教改計劃，卻遭到雅各賓派議員迪朗· 馬來納的諷刺。后者說孔多塞的這一計劃是推行百科全書派的唯物主義、非道德主義和無神論，而不是追隨盧梭的教誨。（4. Blum，185頁第一段第1-2行，第5-8行；全段逐句照搬翻譯，沒有一處注釋；Blum此段英文原文還給了一個注釋）

　　迪朗·馬來納的發言又遭到百科全書派的崇拜者雅科· 杜邦的反駁：“迪朗·馬來納竟敢在８月１０日以后重復那位日內瓦哲學家的懷疑和謬論。那位哲學家說什么科學與藝術敗壞了道德。我請問迪朗·馬來納先生，所謂道德的敗壞，說得如此夸張，以致人們如果按照我們的批評家的看法，是否要

考慮一下，應該把道德和誠實馬上從這塊自由的土地上驅逐出境？迪朗·馬來納主張限制人的理性，甚至追隨專制者的榜樣，限定人的思想和能力，而不是讓人的思想和能力在共和制度下，進入所有方面，探索所有可能的方式，以擴展人的領域，這種主張實在是太荒謬了”12。（5. Blum，185頁第一段最后三行和第二段第1-3行，第7行至末尾。Blum原文是杜邦同時攻擊馬來納和盧梭兩人，朱只提到攻擊馬來納不提盧梭，所以下面一段朱文的第一句就顯得很奇怪了）。

        杜邦攻擊盧梭，當然不為雅各賓派所容。國民公會拒絕了杜邦意見，將雅各賓一派的佩蒂埃所提出的教改方案提上了議事日程。（6. Blum，185頁最后一行至186頁第1行；186頁3-6行；Blum原文有一個注釋，朱文沒有）佩蒂埃的方案充滿道德理想：“所有的孩子都從父親身邊領走，交由國家教育：教育免費；男孩從５歲到１１歲，女孩從５歲到１２歲，穿同樣的衣服，受同樣的教育；飲食菜譜有嚴格規定，禁絕酒和肉類；他們必須割掉與家庭的聯系，形成新的人種，愛勞動，有規范，守紀律；他們形成一道不可逾越的屏障，與我們已經腐爛的那一部分人類隔離開來。”13。（7. Blum，186頁第8行至第一段末尾）

       有人指責上述方案是“烏托邦”，佩蒂埃的兄弟費里克斯大聲爭辯說：“烏托邦？他們如此貶低柏拉圖和托馬斯·莫爾的高尚思想？” 。（8. Blum，186頁腳注2-5行。Blum在其中給了注釋，朱沒有注釋。朱連Blum的腳注內容都不放過要抄，卻又不象別人Blum提供文獻來源）

       與此同時，圣鞠斯特提出了一份更為徹底的方案，勾畫了一幅完美的民粹主義社會藍圖。

佩蒂埃的方案僅僅規劃了孩子從５歲到１１歲或１２歲的教育。接下來的歲月怎么辦呢？或者說，共和國如何規劃成年人的道德生活呢？圣鞠斯特寫有《共和主義制度》一書，回答了這一問題。（9. Blum，187頁最后四行）在這本小冊子里，最重要的是這三大方面：教育，道德監護官和撫養與繼承，至于經濟和政治則從屬于道德問題。。（10. Blum，190頁第二段全段）

（以上這段，從187頁跳躍式抄到190頁，都是一字不漏逐句翻譯，沒有注釋） 他比佩蒂埃更為徹底之處在于：

　　母親撫養孩子，５歲而止。在此之后，孩子交給共和國，直至老死；那種從未哺育過孩子的母親，在祖國看來，已不能作為母親而存在；。（11. Blum，190頁最后一段第3-6行）孩子５歲后進學校，只能穿布

衣，吃蔬菜、水果，只能飲水，不能喝酒；每晚在地席上睡八小時；他們得學習閱讀，寫作和游泳，最重要的是他們必須學會堅強；他們將被教育成熱愛沉默，厭棄聒絮，他們只學一些簡約的詞匯；（12. Blum，190頁最后五行至191頁1-2行）

       從１０歲到１６歲，孩子的教育是軍事和農藝；逢收獲季節則要下鄉支援農業；

從１６歲到２０歲，孩子們必須學會一門精湛的工業技術或農藝技術。２０歲至２５歲，他們必須去服兵役，為祖國而戰……。14 （13. Blum, 191頁第二段1-2行， 4-6行及該段最后兩行）

以上所說都是男孩。至于女孩，圣鞠斯特只用兩句話就打發了：女孩歸母方家庭撫養；一過１０歲，她們沒有父母或其它監護人的陪同，則不能在公開場合露面。（14. Blum, 191頁第三段全段） “每一個人到了２５歲，就必須到神廟里去，向眾人宣布他的朋友是哪些人。這一宣布必須在每年的風月里更新一次。（如果一個人與朋友斷交，他必須向眾人說明理由，否則當受懲罰！”）

（15. Blum, 191頁第四段第4-9行。Blum原文有注釋，朱整段都沒有注釋，也是逐句翻譯。而且，Blum把這兩部分是分開的。朱把這兩部分放在同一段，也會引起誤解，以為只有女性到了25歲才需要這么做）

       盧梭生前所設想的透明社會，也就不過如此？還有甚者：“如果一個人犯了罪，他的朋友也應受懲。因為他朋友不知情，等于說這個朋友在友誼中不受信任，也就是說，這個人沒有朋友了，因此，他必須受懲”15。（16. Blum, 191頁倒數第8行至倒數第5行）

       這豈不是一種連坐法？但圣鞠斯特之初衷卻是，當著瓦解家庭聯系的時候，應該代之以公民之間緊密的道德聯系，以此奠定新型道德國家的社會基礎。（17. Blum, 191頁第四段第1-4行。Blum原文有一處注釋，朱文沒有注釋） 為了維持民族的道德聯系，還必須對外國人保持警惕：“正是外來者，一代又一代地引導我們走向他們的目標；外國影響造成了叛國者，使得邪惡受到尊崇，美德受到蔑視；他們使我們不得安寧”！16 。（18. Blum, 192頁第一段第5-10行）

         最后，在這個民粹主義道德理想國中，還要選舉道德模范，設立道德監護：（19. Blum, 192頁第二段第1-2行。逐字翻譯，沒有注釋）

　　在每一場革命中，都需要有獨裁者來拯救國家，監護者來拯救道德；17 ：（20. Blum, 192頁第二段第3-5行）

　　監護者從年滿６０歲的男性公民中選出。他們在每年的老人節那天去神廟朝拜，讓眾人評議。如無非議，他就可以佩上白色值星帶，標志他已當選，從此履行對美德的

監護職責；（21. Blum, 192頁第二段最后五行）

　　這些佩戴白色值星帶的監護者要維護神廟里的燭火長明不滅，重點監督對象是那些官員、軍官和議員代表的道德行為。這些人一旦被發現腐敗行為，立刻從高位上撤

換下來。監護者要使人敬畏，在公共場合，他們通常是緘默不語，這是一條禁令，任何人不得違反。18 （22. Blum, 192頁第三段第3-7行）

（以上兩段，Blum標了兩個注釋，一個是526頁，一個是531頁，朱文把兩段放在一起，只給了一個531頁注釋）

　　熱月政變后，在圣鞠斯特的文件堆里發現有一個法令提綱，宣布建立監護者階級。圣鞠斯特寫道：“救國委員會責成我來宣布下列法令：在法蘭西生活的每一個方面都建立監護人…監護制作用于政府，決不能作用于不可腐蝕的人民……”19（23. Blum, 192頁最后一段）

         該法令幾乎逐字不漏地抄錄了他在《共和主義制度》中的那些狂熱設想。（24. Blum, 193頁第1-2行） 至此，似應承認，雅各賓派并不僅僅崇信行政權力改造市民社會的威力。他們不也有權力制約意識？只是他們所設計的權力制約，原來是以道德監督權力，而不是以權力制約權力。

         在這場教改大辯倫——實際上也是再造新人重組市民社會的大辯論中，羅伯斯庇爾態度如何？

　　１７９３年７月１３日，也就是與圣鞠斯特寫作上述小冊子的日期同時，羅伯斯庇爾從費里克斯那兒接過佩蒂埃的方案，略加修改后，作為他的提議，向國民公會提出。他的演說詞是這樣開頭的：（25. Blum, 193頁第二段第1-4行;該段逐字翻譯自Blum，沒有注釋）

　　國民公會給歷史將留下三項足堪紀念的偉業：憲法、 市民法典和公共教育。（26. Blum, 193頁第二段第4-6行）

　　征服和勝利的榮耀只不過是過眼煙云。只有美好的制度能夠長存，并且德化所有的民族。（27. Blum, 193頁第二段第11-13行）

　　我承認，直到目前為止，人們所議論的東西并不符合我長久以來的一個理想：要建立一個完整的教育計劃。我已經領受了一套龐大的思想體系，并且考慮過究竟是在哪一關鍵點上，人類被我們舊的社會制度的罪惡所腐蝕。我確信，必須來一次全盤更新。如果讓我以這種方式來表達我的意見，那就是：創造一種全新的人！（28. Blum, 193頁第二段最后七行）

　　羅伯斯庇爾把制度和教育作了區分，教育作為觀念先行，優先于制度建設：

　　教育聯系每一個人，并且澤被天下。然而，現在卻被人們忽視了。

　　就我而言，我堅信，我們在確立一種制度以前，必須確立這種制度的基礎。制度只能播益于少數人，教育卻能播益于所有人。20 ！（29. Blum, 193頁最后三行至194頁第8行）

（此段朱誤解Blum。Blum的原文說羅伯斯庇爾把“教育”(education)與“教學”(instruction)作了區分，朱不懂instruction該翻譯成“教學”，而翻譯成了“制度”。羅伯斯庇爾認為教學 (instruction) 關注的主要是知識；而教育(education)應該澤被所有人。然后在討論“教學”時，羅認為制度優先，要確立好的制度基礎；因為教學更多只是促進知識層面，只會對少數人有好處，而好的制度對所有人都有好處，因為制度培養與促進好的習性。朱由于對關鍵的術語理解錯了，所以誤解成“制度只能播益于少數人”，恰恰相反，羅認為制度重要，能播益于所有人）

　　著重號是我加的。很顯然，那套龐大的教育體系領受于盧梭。人類被社會罪惡所腐蝕，必須全盤更新社會制度等，也非盧梭莫屬。更重要的是，盧梭“倒果為因，觀點先行”的危險觀點，在這里開始進入了實踐層面。！（30. Blum, 194頁第一段最后五行）

注釋：

11. 轉引自高毅：《法蘭西風格——大革命政治文化》，Ｐ１９１。

12. 饒勒斯：《法國革命社會史》，第８卷，Ｐ１０—１２。

13. 同上，Ｐ２５。

14. 《圣鞠斯特全集》，第２卷，Ｐ５１６—５１７。

15. 同上，Ｐ５１９。

16. 同上，Ｐ５０９。

17. 同上，Ｐ５２０。

18.  同上，Ｐ５３１。

19. 同上，Ｐ５３８。

20.《羅伯斯庇爾全集》第１０卷，法蘭西大學出版社１９６７年版，Ｐ３１。

1. Blum, p. 182-183: …by projects to establish a system of education. It was the society as a whole, the Jacobins had learned from Rousseau, which formed men, and efforts to lead them to virtue without destroying monarchical social structures and replacing them with republican ones were bound to fail. The question of education, therefore, underlay all other concerns.

2. Blum, p. 183: Jacques-Nicolas Billaud-Varenne,…composed the Elements du republicanisme1…The revolutionaries had to face up to their responsibility to "raise men to virtue" "You will lose the younger generation," Billard-Varenne warned warned, "by abandoning it to parents with prejudices and ignorance... Therefore, let the fatherland take hold of children…”

3. Blum, p. 183: Billaud-Varenne praised the educational efficacy of Sparta, which he termed a "magnanimous nation." "There is the obvious effect of the return to virtue, and this example demonstrates that the transition from depraved morals to austere morals can take place, and more easy and more rapidly than the perversion of an honest heart. How could anyone have questioned that man was born with an irresistible disposition toward searching for and cherishing virtue?"

(p. 38).

4. Blum, p. 185: Condorcet, the celebrated mathematician, friend and disciple of the Encyclopedists, had prepared a detailed plan for the reformation of education…,2 Durand-Maillane, deputy from Bouchesdu-Rhone, attacked it as promoting the materialism, immorality, and atheism of the philosophes rather than following the wisdom of Rousseau…

5. Blum, p. 185: Jacob Dupont, deputy from Indre-et-Loire and admirer of the Encyclopedists, denounced both Durand-Maillane and Rousseau for equating ignorance with virtue: Durand-Maillane has dared to repeat, even after August 10, the sophisms and the paradoxes of the Genevan philosopher who [said] that the sciences and the arts corrupt morals: I ask Durand-Maillane,… What is this so-called corruption of morals, then, so much exaggerated that according to our critics one would have to think that virtue and probity would soon be exiled from the land of liberty?I will confess that Durand-Maillane's assertions seemed most strange to me, when he wanted to circumscribe within certain limits man's reason, or, following the example of the despot, give one direction rather than another to the thought and the hand of man, whereas, under the republican regime, man's thoughts and man's hand can go in all directions and take all possible forms in widening his domain.

6. Blum, p. 185-186: Dupont's liberal, open-ended idea of education… did not correspond to the Jacobin vision…It was the educational project of Michel Le Pelletier de Saint-Fargeau, former great noble elected to the Convention, which was to receive Jacobin endorsement and would eventually…, be reformulated for presentation by Robespierre to the Convention.3

7. Blum, p. 186: The project called for all children to be taken from their parents and raised by the state, free of charge, from the age of five until twelve for boys, and eleven for girls, "all children, without distinction and without exception, will be raised in common

at the expense of the Republic and all, under the holy law of equality, will receive the same clothing, the same nourishment, the same instruction, the same care."

8.Blum, p. 186: Michel's brother, Felix Le Pelletier de Saint-Fargeau, anxious to defend the project against charges of being "Utopian,"… "A Utopia! that's how they tried to denigrate the lofty thoughts of Plato and Thomas More…!" (Jaures, 8: 27).

9. Blum, p. Le Pelletier's ideas, however, regulated the life of the child only from five years until eleven or twelve. How was the Republic to mold the citizenry to virtue the rest of the time? In his Institutions republicaines, Saint-Just addressed himself to this question. 

10. Blum, p. 190: Three areas were accorded special importance: education, the office of censor of morals, and the question of adoption and inheritance. The last appears to have been a matter of great personal concern to the orphaned Saint-Just. 

11.Blum, p. 190: "Children belong to their mother until the age of five, if she has nursed them, and to the republic after that, until death. The mother who has not nursed her baby ceases to be a mother in the eyes of the fatherland" (2: 516-17).

12. Blum, p. There they were to dress in cloth, sleep eight hours a night on mats, eat only roots, fruits, legumes, dairy products, and bread, and drink only water. They might not be petted or struck. They would learn to read, write, and swim. Above all, they must learn to be still. "Children are raised," said Saint-Just, "to love silence and to hold chatterers in contempt. They are trained for laconism" (2: 517).

13. Blum, p. 191: "From age ten to sixteen, the education of children is military and agricultural." …Besides performing these military efforts, they would be "distributed to farmers, at harvest time." From sixteen until twenty-one, boys were to undergo specialized training in farming, manufacturing, or the navy…From twenty-one until twenty-five, they were part of the national militia.

14. Blum, p. 191: The education of girls, however, was dismissed summarily in two

sentences. "Girls are raised in the maternal home," Saint-Just specified; further, "on holidays a virgin over the age of ten may not

appear in public without her mother, father, or tutor."

15. Blum, p. 191: "Every man twenty-five years old," Saint-Just stated, "is obliged to declare in the temple who his friends are. This declaration must be renewed every year during the month of ventose. If a man abandons his friend, he must explain his reasons before the people, in the temples If he refuses, he is banished" (2: 519).

16. Blum, p. 191: If one committed a crime, the other was banished. As for "the one who says he does not believe in friendship, or has no friend, he is banished" (2: 519).

17. Blum, p. 191: One emotional tie was institutionalized to permeate this otherwise abstemious society: masculine friendship. Friendship, the nonbiological tie, neither dictated by the family nor linked to procreation, was elevated to the level of a national principle.8

18. Blum, p. 192: The same thinking led Saint-Just to purge the foreigner, for it was he who introduced corruption into France. It was the alien, who, "from vicissitude to vicissitude has led us to his ends," and who, Saint-Just said elsewhere, "troubles our repose." According to Saint-Just, it is "the foreign influence which forms traitors, or has the Gracchi killed, causes crime to be honored and virtue proscribed" (2:

509).

19. Blum, p. 192: The second key institution of the republic of virtue would be a class of "censors" or "magistrates to provide the example of morals."

20. Blum, p. 192: "In every revolution," he wrote, "it is necessary to have a dictator to save the State by force, or censors to save it by virtue" (2: 530).

21. Blum, p. 192: "Men who have always led blameless lives will wear a white sash at

the age of sixty. They will present themselves for this purpose in the temple on the day of the festival of old age, to be judged by their

fellow citizens. If no one accuses them, they will take the white sash. Respect for old age is a cult in our society" (2: 526).

22. Blum, p. 192: Their principal function, however, was supervising the morals of public officials, army officers, and elected

representatives. They were to rid high office of corruption. These awesome figures pursued their ends in a Saint-Justian silence: "It is

forbidden for censors to speak in public" (2: 531).

23. Blum, p. After Thermidor a project for a decree was found among his papers, one proposing the establishment of a class of

censors. Saint-Just restated the arguments he had put forth in the Institutions but now declared: "The Committee of Public Safety has

charged me with presenting the following decree" (2: 538). He then went on to dictate the terms of an actual law, establishing censors in each district in France. "This censorship is exercised upon the government," he stipulated, "and cannot be exercised upon the incorruptible people."

24. Blum, p. 193: The articles of the decrees are either paraphrases of the Institutions or word-for-word transpositions.

25. Blum, p. 193: On July 13, 1793, a few months after Saint-Just had probably written most of his Institutions, Robespierre presented the Convention with his version of Le Pelletier's plan for education. He began by declaring the importance of the subject.

26.  Blum, p. 193: "The National Convention owes three monuments to history," he declared, "the Constitution, the code of civil laws, and public education."

27. Blum, p. 193: "For the glory of conquests and victories is sometimes ephemeral, but beautiful institutions remain and they immortalize nations."

28.  Blum, p. 193: "I confess that what has been said up until now does not correspond to the idea I have formed for myself of a complete plan for education. I have dared to conceive vaster thoughts; and considering to what point the human species is degraded by the vice of our former social system, I am convinced of the necessity of operating a total regeneration, and, if I may express myself in this way, of creating a new people."

29. Blum, p. 193-194: He addresses the distinction between "education" and "instruction." The latter, concerned with intellectual achievements, in Robespierre's opinion, and in any case was of secondary importance. "Education," on the other hand, "must be common to everyone and universally beneficial. [The Committee] has entirely neglected it." Before the question of instruction, Robespierre placed priority upon the necessity for "institution": "For my part, I believed we had to lay foundations for the institution of the public before instruction. The latter profits a few people, the former is for the good of all. Instruction propagates useful knowledge, institutions create and propagate necessary habits" (10: 31).

30. Blum, p. 194: Thus Robespierre… incorporated it into a bold new program for France, one designed to move from the page into the lives of the people, destroying the "aristocratic" mentality inherent in family life and substituting for it a new consciousness, one derived from institutions generating a virtuous race.