留美博士：朱學勤剽竊Blum 中英對照系列之五

朱學勤：《道德理想國的覆滅》

第七章第二節：243至249頁

Carol Blum: Rousseau and the Republic of Virtue

布魯姆：《盧梭與德性共和國》

pp. 182-194

二、道德救贖——重組市民社會

　　奇理斯瑪升出了地平線。這是一次輝煌的日出嗎？在它化為日落之前，確實是。法國社會學家杜爾凱姆說：“在法國革命最初的幾年里，社會固有的那種自我神話或創造神明的傾向空前顯著地表現了出來。這種宗教有自己的殉道者和傳道者，深深感化了廣大群眾，最終還產生了一些偉大的事物”。11

　　道德救贖之擴張，當務之急是觀念先行，倒果為因，把塑造道德新人的教育革命放在首位。１７９３年６月２３日，雅各賓

執政的第一個月，即公布教育體制改革的法令。（1. Blum，182頁最后一行至183頁第一段末尾。原文是：雅各賓派認為，社會作為一個整體造就人，不以共和制社會結果取代舊的社會結構，塑造道德新人的努力注定只能失敗。所以教育的問題，就放在了首位。朱照搬部分原文，不加注釋，又不把Blum的內容理清--即雅各賓派為什么認為教育要先行，反而加上主觀的“倒果為因”妄加評斷）

　　圍繞著塑造新人和教改方案，國民公會展開了激烈辯論。

　　雅各賓黨人俾約·瓦倫出版了一本《共和主義基礎知識》的小冊子，提出革命者必須承擔起“提高人民道德”的責任，國家必須代替父權，抓起年輕一代的教育。否則，“你們必將失去年輕的一代”。（2. Blum，183頁第1行，第4行，第8-10行）他盛贊斯巴達教育“是轉向道德的一個明顯例證，這一例證說明，從腐敗道德向簡樸道德的轉化能夠進行，而且要比敗壞一顆正常心靈更容易、更迅速。人們如何能夠懷疑，人生來就有一種不可抗拒的天性，傾向于追求并崇尚美德？” （3. Blum，183頁第三段全段逐句照搬翻譯；Blum此處給了注釋，朱沒有。）

（以上全段全部翻譯自Blum，沒有一處注釋。）

　　孔多塞，杰出的數學家，百科全書派當時僅存的一個活著的成員，也提出了一個教改計劃，卻遭到雅各賓派議員迪朗· 馬來納的諷刺。后者說孔多塞的這一計劃是推行百科全書派的唯物主義、非道德主義和無神論，而不是追隨盧梭的教誨。（4. Blum，185頁第一段第1-2行，第5-8行；全段逐句照搬翻譯，沒有一處注釋；Blum此段英文原文還給了一個注釋）

　　迪朗·馬來納的發言又遭到百科全書派的崇拜者雅科· 杜邦的反駁：“迪朗·馬來納竟敢在８月１０日以后重復那位日內瓦哲學家的懷疑和謬論。那位哲學家說什么科學與藝術敗壞了道德。我請問迪朗·馬來納先生，所謂道德的敗壞，說得如此夸張，以致人們如果按照我們的批評家的看法，是否要

考慮一下，應該把道德和誠實馬上從這塊自由的土地上驅逐出境？迪朗·馬來納主張限制人的理性，甚至追隨專制者的榜樣，限定人的思想和能力，而不是讓人的思想和能力在共和制度下，進入所有方面，探索所有可能的方式，以擴展人的領域，這種主張實在是太荒謬了”12。（5. Blum，185頁第一段最后三行和第二段第1-3行，第7行至末尾。Blum原文是杜邦同時攻擊馬來納和盧梭兩人，朱只提到攻擊馬來納不提盧梭，所以下面一段朱文的第一句就顯得很奇怪了）。

        杜邦攻擊盧梭，當然不為雅各賓派所容。國民公會拒絕了杜邦意見，將雅各賓一派的佩蒂埃所提出的教改方案提上了議事日程。（6. Blum，185頁最后一行至186頁第1行；186頁3-6行；Blum原文有一個注釋，朱文沒有）佩蒂埃的方案充滿道德理想：“所有的孩子都從父親身邊領走，交由國家教育：教育免費；男孩從５歲到１１歲，女孩從５歲到１２歲，穿同樣的衣服，受同樣的教育；飲食菜譜有嚴格規定，禁絕酒和肉類；他們必須割掉與家庭的聯系，形成新的人種，愛勞動，有規范，守紀律；他們形成一道不可逾越的屏障，與我們已經腐爛的那一部分人類隔離開來。”13。（7. Blum，186頁第8行至第一段末尾）

       有人指責上述方案是“烏托邦”，佩蒂埃的兄弟費里克斯大聲爭辯說：“烏托邦？他們如此貶低柏拉圖和托馬斯·莫爾的高尚思想？” 。（8. Blum，186頁腳注2-5行。Blum在其中給了注釋，朱沒有注釋。朱連Blum的腳注內容都不放過要抄，卻又不象別人Blum提供文獻來源）

       與此同時，圣鞠斯特提出了一份更為徹底的方案，勾畫了一幅完美的民粹主義社會藍圖。

佩蒂埃的方案僅僅規劃了孩子從５歲到１１歲或１２歲的教育。接下來的歲月怎么辦呢？或者說，共和國如何規劃成年人的道德生活呢？圣鞠斯特寫有《共和主義制度》一書，回答了這一問題。（9. Blum，187頁最后四行）在這本小冊子里，最重要的是這三大方面：教育，道德監護官和撫養與繼承，至于經濟和政治則從屬于道德問題。。（10. Blum，190頁第二段全段）

（以上這段，從187頁跳躍式抄到190頁，都是一字不漏逐句翻譯，沒有注釋） 他比佩蒂埃更為徹底之處在于：

　　母親撫養孩子，５歲而止。在此之后，孩子交給共和國，直至老死；那種從未哺育過孩子的母親，在祖國看來，已不能作為母親而存在；。（11. Blum，190頁最后一段第3-6行）孩子５歲后進學校，只能穿布

衣，吃蔬菜、水果，只能飲水，不能喝酒；每晚在地席上睡八小時；他們得學習閱讀，寫作和游泳，最重要的是他們必須學會堅強；他們將被教育成熱愛沉默，厭棄聒絮，他們只學一些簡約的詞匯；（12. Blum，190頁最后五行至191頁1-2行）

       從１０歲到１６歲，孩子的教育是軍事和農藝；逢收獲季節則要下鄉支援農業；

從１６歲到２０歲，孩子們必須學會一門精湛的工業技術或農藝技術。２０歲至２５歲，他們必須去服兵役，為祖國而戰……。14 （13. Blum, 191頁第二段1-2行， 4-6行及該段最后兩行）

以上所說都是男孩。至于女孩，圣鞠斯特只用兩句話就打發了：女孩歸母方家庭撫養；一過１０歲，她們沒有父母或其它監護人的陪同，則不能在公開場合露面。（14. Blum, 191頁第三段全段） “每一個人到了２５歲，就必須到神廟里去，向眾人宣布他的朋友是哪些人。這一宣布必須在每年的風月里更新一次。（如果一個人與朋友斷交，他必須向眾人說明理由，否則當受懲罰！”）

（15. Blum, 191頁第四段第4-9行。Blum原文有注釋，朱整段都沒有注釋，也是逐句翻譯。而且，Blum把這兩部分是分開的。朱把這兩部分放在同一段，也會引起誤解，以為只有女性到了25歲才需要這么做）

       盧梭生前所設想的透明社會，也就不過如此？還有甚者：“如果一個人犯了罪，他的朋友也應受懲。因為他朋友不知情，等于說這個朋友在友誼中不受信任，也就是說，這個人沒有朋友了，因此，他必須受懲”15。（16. Blum, 191頁倒數第8行至倒數第5行）

       這豈不是一種連坐法？但圣鞠斯特之初衷卻是，當著瓦解家庭聯系的時候，應該代之以公民之間緊密的道德聯系，以此奠定新型道德國家的社會基礎。（17. Blum, 191頁第四段第1-4行。Blum原文有一處注釋，朱文沒有注釋） 為了維持民族的道德聯系，還必須對外國人保持警惕：“正是外來者，一代又一代地引導我們走向他們的目標；外國影響造成了叛國者，使得邪惡受到尊崇，美德受到蔑視；他們使我們不得安寧”！16 。（18. Blum, 192頁第一段第5-10行）

         最后，在這個民粹主義道德理想國中，還要選舉道德模范，設立道德監護：（19. Blum, 192頁第二段第1-2行。逐字翻譯，沒有注釋）

　　在每一場革命中，都需要有獨裁者來拯救國家，監護者來拯救道德；17 ：（20. Blum, 192頁第二段第3-5行）

　　監護者從年滿６０歲的男性公民中選出。他們在每年的老人節那天去神廟朝拜，讓眾人評議。如無非議，他就可以佩上白色值星帶，標志他已當選，從此履行對美德的

監護職責；（21. Blum, 192頁第二段最后五行）

　　這些佩戴白色值星帶的監護者要維護神廟里的燭火長明不滅，重點監督對象是那些官員、軍官和議員代表的道德行為。這些人一旦被發現腐敗行為，立刻從高位上撤

換下來。監護者要使人敬畏，在公共場合，他們通常是緘默不語，這是一條禁令，任何人不得違反。18 （22. Blum, 192頁第三段第3-7行）

（以上兩段，Blum標了兩個注釋，一個是526頁，一個是531頁，朱文把兩段放在一起，只給了一個531頁注釋）

　　熱月政變后，在圣鞠斯特的文件堆里發現有一個法令提綱，宣布建立監護者階級。圣鞠斯特寫道：“救國委員會責成我來宣布下列法令：在法蘭西生活的每一個方面都建立監護人…監護制作用于政府，決不能作用于不可腐蝕的人民……”19（23. Blum, 192頁最后一段）

         該法令幾乎逐字不漏地抄錄了他在《共和主義制度》中的那些狂熱設想。（24. Blum, 193頁第1-2行） 至此，似應承認，雅各賓派并不僅僅崇信行政權力改造市民社會的威力。他們不也有權力制約意識？只是他們所設計的權力制約，原來是以道德監督權力，而不是以權力制約權力。

         在這場教改大辯倫——實際上也是再造新人重組市民社會的大辯論中，羅伯斯庇爾態度如何？

　　１７９３年７月１３日，也就是與圣鞠斯特寫作上述小冊子的日期同時，羅伯斯庇爾從費里克斯那兒接過佩蒂埃的方案，略加修改后，作為他的提議，向國民公會提出。他的演說詞是這樣開頭的：（25. Blum, 193頁第二段第1-4行;該段逐字翻譯自Blum，沒有注釋）

　　國民公會給歷史將留下三項足堪紀念的偉業：憲法、 市民法典和公共教育。（26. Blum, 193頁第二段第4-6行）

　　征服和勝利的榮耀只不過是過眼煙云。只有美好的制度能夠長存，并且德化所有的民族。（27. Blum, 193頁第二段第11-13行）

　　我承認，直到目前為止，人們所議論的東西并不符合我長久以來的一個理想：要建立一個完整的教育計劃。我已經領受了一套龐大的思想體系，并且考慮過究竟是在哪一關鍵點上，人類被我們舊的社會制度的罪惡所腐蝕。我確信，必須來一次全盤更新。如果讓我以這種方式來表達我的意見，那就是：創造一種全新的人！（28. Blum, 193頁第二段最后七行）

　　羅伯斯庇爾把制度和教育作了區分，教育作為觀念先行，優先于制度建設：

　　教育聯系每一個人，并且澤被天下。然而，現在卻被人們忽視了。

　　就我而言，我堅信，我們在確立一種制度以前，必須確立這種制度的基礎。制度只能播益于少數人，教育卻能播益于所有人。20 ！（29. Blum, 193頁最后三行至194頁第8行）

（此段朱誤解Blum。Blum的原文說羅伯斯庇爾把“教育”(education)與“教學”(instruction)作了區分，朱不懂instruction該翻譯成“教學”，而翻譯成了“制度”。羅伯斯庇爾認為教學 (instruction) 關注的主要是知識；而教育(education)應該澤被所有人。然后在討論“教學”時，羅認為制度優先，要確立好的制度基礎；因為教學更多只是促進知識層面，只會對少數人有好處，而好的制度對所有人都有好處，因為制度培養與促進好的習性。朱由于對關鍵的術語理解錯了，所以誤解成“制度只能播益于少數人”，恰恰相反，羅認為制度重要，能播益于所有人）

　　著重號是我加的。很顯然，那套龐大的教育體系領受于盧梭。人類被社會罪惡所腐蝕，必須全盤更新社會制度等，也非盧梭莫屬。更重要的是，盧梭“倒果為因，觀點先行”的危險觀點，在這里開始進入了實踐層面。！（30. Blum, 194頁第一段最后五行）

注釋：

11. 轉引自高毅：《法蘭西風格——大革命政治文化》，Ｐ１９１。

12. 饒勒斯：《法國革命社會史》，第８卷，Ｐ１０—１２。

13. 同上，Ｐ２５。

14. 《圣鞠斯特全集》，第２卷，Ｐ５１６—５１７。

15. 同上，Ｐ５１９。

16. 同上，Ｐ５０９。

17. 同上，Ｐ５２０。

18.  同上，Ｐ５３１。

19. 同上，Ｐ５３８。

20.《羅伯斯庇爾全集》第１０卷，法蘭西大學出版社１９６７年版，Ｐ３１。

1. Blum, p. 182-183: …by projects to establish a system of education. It was the society as a whole, the Jacobins had learned from Rousseau, which formed men, and efforts to lead them to virtue without destroying monarchical social structures and replacing them with republican ones were bound to fail. The question of education, therefore, underlay all other concerns.

2. Blum, p. 183: Jacques-Nicolas Billaud-Varenne,…composed the Elements du republicanisme1…The revolutionaries had to face up to their responsibility to "raise men to virtue" "You will lose the younger generation," Billard-Varenne warned warned, "by abandoning it to parents with prejudices and ignorance... Therefore, let the fatherland take hold of children…”

3. Blum, p. 183: Billaud-Varenne praised the educational efficacy of Sparta, which he termed a "magnanimous nation." "There is the obvious effect of the return to virtue, and this example demonstrates that the transition from depraved morals to austere morals can take place, and more easy and more rapidly than the perversion of an honest heart. How could anyone have questioned that man was born with an irresistible disposition toward searching for and cherishing virtue?"

(p. 38).

4. Blum, p. 185: Condorcet, the celebrated mathematician, friend and disciple of the Encyclopedists, had prepared a detailed plan for the reformation of education…,2 Durand-Maillane, deputy from Bouchesdu-Rhone, attacked it as promoting the materialism, immorality, and atheism of the philosophes rather than following the wisdom of Rousseau…

5. Blum, p. 185: Jacob Dupont, deputy from Indre-et-Loire and admirer of the Encyclopedists, denounced both Durand-Maillane and Rousseau for equating ignorance with virtue: Durand-Maillane has dared to repeat, even after August 10, the sophisms and the paradoxes of the Genevan philosopher who [said] that the sciences and the arts corrupt morals: I ask Durand-Maillane,… What is this so-called corruption of morals, then, so much exaggerated that

according to our critics one would have to think that virtue and probity would soon be exiled from the land of liberty?I will confess that Durand-Maillane's assertions seemed most strange to me, when he wanted to circumscribe within certain limits man's reason, or, following the example of the despot, give one direction rather than another to the thought and the hand of man, whereas, under the republican regime, man's thoughts and man's hand can go in all directions and take all possible forms in widening his domain.

6. Blum, p. 185-186: Dupont's liberal, open-ended idea of education… did not correspond to the Jacobin vision…It was the educational project of Michel Le Pelletier de Saint-Fargeau, former great noble elected to the Convention, which was to receive Jacobin endorsement and would eventually…, be reformulated for presentation by Robespierre to the Convention.3

7. Blum, p. 186: The project called for all children to be taken from their parents and raised by the state, free of charge, from the age of five until twelve for boys, and eleven for girls, "all children, without distinction and without exception, will be raised in common

at the expense of the Republic and all, under the holy law of equality, will receive the same clothing, the same nourishment, the same instruction, the same care."

8.Blum, p. 186: Michel's brother, Felix Le Pelletier de Saint-Fargeau, anxious to defend the project against charges of being "Utopian,"… "A Utopia! that's how they tried to denigrate the lofty thoughts of Plato and Thomas More…!" (Jaures, 8: 27).

9. Blum, p. Le Pelletier's ideas, however, regulated the life of the child only from five years until eleven or twelve. How was the Republic to mold the citizenry to virtue the rest of the time? In his Institutions republicaines, Saint-Just addressed himself to this question.

10. Blum, p. 190: Three areas were accorded special importance: education, the office of censor of morals, and the question of adoption and inheritance. The last appears to have been a matter of great personal concern to the orphaned Saint-Just.

11.Blum, p. 190: "Children belong to their mother until the age of five, if she has nursed them, and to the republic after that, until death. The mother who has not nursed her baby ceases to be a mother in the eyes of the fatherland" (2: 516-17).

12. Blum, p. There they were to dress in cloth, sleep eight hours a night on mats, eat only roots, fruits, legumes, dairy products, and bread, and drink only water. They might not be petted or struck. They would learn to read, write, and swim. Above all, they must learn to be still. "Children are raised," said Saint-Just, "to love silence and to hold chatterers in contempt. They are trained for laconism" (2: 517).

13. Blum, p. 191: "From age ten to sixteen, the education of children is military and agricultural." …Besides performing these military efforts, they would be "distributed to farmers, at harvest time." From sixteen until twenty-one, boys were to undergo specialized training in farming, manufacturing, or the navy…From twenty-one until twenty-five, they were part of the national militia.

14. Blum, p. 191: The education of girls, however, was dismissed summarily in two

sentences. "Girls are raised in the maternal home," Saint-Just specified; further, "on holidays a virgin over the age of ten may not

appear in public without her mother, father, or tutor."

15. Blum, p. 191: "Every man twenty-five years old," Saint-Just stated, "is obliged to declare in the temple who his friends are. This declaration must be renewed every year during the month of ventose. If a man abandons his friend, he must explain his reasons before the people, in the temples If he refuses, he is banished" (2: 519).

16. Blum, p. 191: If one committed a crime, the other was banished. As for "the one who says he does not believe in friendship, or has no friend, he is banished" (2: 519).

17. Blum, p. 191: One emotional tie was institutionalized to permeate this otherwise abstemious society: masculine friendship. Friendship, the nonbiological tie, neither dictated by the family nor linked to procreation, was elevated to the level of a national principle.8

18. Blum, p. 192: The same thinking led Saint-Just to purge the foreigner, for it was he who introduced corruption into France. It was the alien, who, "from vicissitude to vicissitude has led us to his ends," and who, Saint-Just said elsewhere, "troubles our repose." According to Saint-Just, it is "the foreign influence which forms traitors, or has the Gracchi killed, causes crime to be honored and virtue proscribed" (2:

509).

19. Blum, p. 192: The second key institution of the republic of virtue would be a class of "censors" or "magistrates to provide the example of morals."

20. Blum, p. 192: "In every revolution," he wrote, "it is necessary to have a dictator to save the State by force, or censors to save it by virtue" (2: 530).

21. Blum, p. 192: "Men who have always led blameless lives will wear a white sash at

the age of sixty. They will present themselves for this purpose in the temple on the day of the festival of old age, to be judged by their

fellow citizens. If no one accuses them, they will take the white sash. Respect for old age is a cult in our society" (2: 526).

22. Blum, p. 192: Their principal function, however, was supervising the morals of public officials, army officers, and elected

representatives. They were to rid high office of corruption. These awesome figures pursued their ends in a Saint-Justian silence: "It is

forbidden for censors to speak in public" (2: 531).

23. Blum, p. After Thermidor a project for a decree was found among his papers, one proposing the establishment of a class of

censors. Saint-Just restated the arguments he had put forth in the Institutions but now declared: "The Committee of Public Safety has

charged me with presenting the following decree" (2: 538). He then went on to dictate the terms of an actual law, establishing censors in each district in France. "This censorship is exercised upon the government," he stipulated, "and cannot be exercised upon the incorruptible people."

24. Blum, p. 193: The articles of the decrees are either paraphrases of the Institutions or word-for-word transpositions.

25. Blum, p. 193: On July 13, 1793, a few months after Saint-Just had probably written most of his Institutions, Robespierre presented the Convention with his version of Le Pelletier's plan for education. He began by declaring the importance of the subject.

26.  Blum, p. 193: "The National Convention owes three monuments to history," he declared, "the Constitution, the code of civil laws, and public education."

27. Blum, p. 193: "For the glory of conquests and victories is sometimes ephemeral, but beautiful institutions remain and they immortalize nations."

28.  Blum, p. 193: "I confess that what has been said up until now does not correspond to the idea I have formed for myself of a complete plan for education. I have dared to conceive vaster thoughts; and considering to what point the human species is degraded by the vice of our former social system, I am convinced of the necessity of operating a total regeneration, and, if I may express myself in this way, of creating a new people."

29. Blum, p. 193-194: He addresses the distinction between "education" and "instruction." The latter, concerned with intellectual achievements, in Robespierre's opinion, and in any case was of secondary importance. "Education," on the other hand, "must be common to everyone and universally beneficial. [The Committee] has entirely neglected it." Before the question of instruction, Robespierre placed priority upon the necessity for "institution": "For my part, I believed we had to lay foundations for the institution of the public before instruction. The latter profits a few people, the former is for the good of all. Instruction propagates useful knowledge, institutions create and propagate necessary habits" (10: 31).

30. Blum, p. 194: Thus Robespierre… incorporated it into a bold new program for France, one designed to move from the page into the lives of the people, destroying the "aristocratic" mentality inherent in family life and substituting for it a new consciousness, one derived from institutions generating a virtuous race.