無人可獨全——被預言的謀殺

“危地馬拉是謀殺的天堂，因為你幾乎篤定可以逍遙法外。”但一樁被預言的謀殺卻還是掀起了軒然大波，它是如何發(fā)端的？請看《被預言的謀殺》第一部分。羅德里戈·羅森博格（Rodrigo Rosenberg）知道自己死期將至。這可不是因為年事已高，他還只有48歲。也不是因為診斷出了什么不治之癥；他可是一名狂熱的自行車手，身體非常健康。確切地說，在危地馬拉，羅森博格是一位頗受尊敬的企業(yè)律師，他料定自己會遭到暗殺。

Before he began, in the spring of 2009, to prophesy his own murder, there was little to suggest that he might meet a violent end. Rosenberg, who had four children, was an affectionate father. The head of his own flourishing practice, he had a reputation as an indefatigable and charismatic lawyer who had a gift for leading other people where he wanted them to go. He was lithe and handsome, though his shiny black hair had fallen out on top, leaving an immaculate ring on the sides. Words were his way of ordering the jostle of life. He spoke in eloquent bursts, using his voice like an instrument, his hands and eyebrows rising and falling to accentuate each note. (It didn’t matter if he was advocating the virtues of the Guatemalan constitution or of his favorite band, Santana.) Ferociously intelligent, he had earned master’s degrees in law from both Harvard University and Cambridge University.

　　2009年春，他尚未預言自己被害命運之前，很難看出他會終結于暴力之手。羅森博格有四個小孩，是位和藹可親的父親。他自己當老板，業(yè)務蒸蒸日上，作為律師，他素以不屈不撓和魅力不凡而享有盛譽，而且在領導與指揮別人上頗有天賦。他身形矯捷，英俊帥氣，只是黑黝黝的頭發(fā)已經開始禿頂，在四周留下光光的一圈。言辭是他的謀生之道。他善于雄辯，妙語連珠，說起話來又像樂器一般悅耳，配上手與眉的或抑或揚，話音尤顯鏗鏘有力。（不論是為危地馬拉憲法搖旗吶喊，還是為鐘愛的樂隊桑塔納大聲叫好，他都是如此表現(xiàn)。）智力超群的他在哈佛和劍橋都拿到了法律碩士學位。
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Rosenberg had been born into Guatemala’s oligarchy—a term that still applies to the semi-feudal Central American nation, where more than half of its fourteen million people, many of them Mayan, live in severe poverty. His mother had inherited a small fortune, and his father had acquired several businesses, including a popular chain of cinemas. (As a boy, Rosenberg had spent hours in the plush seats, entranced by the latest American films.) Rosenberg was accustomed to privilege. A car enthusiast, he drove a Mercedes and made an annual pilgrimage to Indianapolis to watch Formula 1 races. He had been married twice but was now single, living in an elegant high-rise overlooking Guatemala City.

　　羅森博格生于危地馬拉的寡頭之家，寡頭這一術語仍然適用于這個半封建的中美洲國家，該國1400萬人口中超過半數(shù)（他們中許多是瑪雅人）生活極度貧困。他母親繼承了一大筆錢，父親則獲得了數(shù)份產業(yè)，包括一家大眾連鎖影院。（還是小孩時，羅森博格就在影院的毛絨座椅上度過了不少時間，他對最新的美國影片癡迷不已。）羅森博格養(yǎng)尊處優(yōu)可謂習以為常。作為汽車發(fā)燒友，他開著一輛奔馳車，每年都遠赴印第安納波利斯去觀看F1方程式大賽。他結過兩次婚，不過現(xiàn)在是單身，從他居住的豪華高層樓房里，可以俯瞰危地馬拉城。

Though his wealth allowed him a desultory life, he was “driven and motivated by his goals,” as a relative put it. When he began his studies at Cambridge, he had spoken almost no English, so Rosenberg informed his professors that he had recently undergone surgery on his vocal cords, and could not yet talk in class; in the meantime, he bought a television and watched it each night with closed-captioning until, after three months, he spoke with confidence.

　　雖然他的財富足夠讓他過上衣食無憂的生活，但如一名親屬所言，他“有自己的奮斗目標，這一直鞭策和激勵著他”。剛進劍橋的時候，他幾乎不會說英語，于是羅森博格對他的教授說，他聲帶剛做過手術，目前還不能在課上講話；與此同時，他買來電視，關掉字幕，每晚觀看，三個月后，他已經能熟練自如地講英語了。

He was not a religious man, but he maintained a stark sense of good and evil, castigating others, as well as himself, for transgressions. When he was a child, his father had abandoned the family, a betrayal that Rosenberg had never forgiven; he even refused to accept an inheritance that his father had left him. One of Rosenberg’s closest friends noted that, if he thought you had crossed him, he could be brutal: “He was always very honest—sometimes, perhaps, too honest. He would say things that are true, but sometimes things that are true that you shouldn’t mention.” Though Guatemala’s judicial system was notoriously corrupt, Rosenberg was drawn to the clarity of the law, to its unflinching judgment. He argued, successfully, before the Constitutional Court, Guatemala’s equivalent of the U.S. Supreme Court, and in 1998 he became the vice-dean of a prominent law school. At the same time, he served as counsel for some of Guatemala’s most powerful élites—its coffee barons and corporate executives and government officials.

　　他不信教，但善惡分明，既嚴于律人，也嚴于律己。當他還是個孩子時，他父親拋棄了家庭，對于這場背叛，羅森博格一直刻骨銘心；他甚至拒絕接受父親留給他的遺產。羅森博格最親密的朋友談到，若他認為你反對他，他會殘酷無情：“他總是非常直率，不過有時候，可能直率過了頭。他會說，這些是對的，但有時候事情即使是對的，你也不該提。”盡管危地馬拉司法系統(tǒng)的貪污腐敗是出了名的，羅森博格依然對法律的明晰和確定不移的判決傾心不已。在憲法法院（危地馬拉相當于美國最高法院的機構）上，他的辯論大獲成功，1998年，他成為一所知名法律學院的副院長。同時，他還在危地馬拉一些權勢煊赫的精英人士（咖啡巨頭、企業(yè)總裁和政府官員們）那兒擔任法律顧問。

And, according to Rosenberg, it was a case involving one of these clients, Khalil Musa, that had placed his life in jeopardy. A Lebanese immigrant, Musa had risen from poverty to great wealth, manufacturing textiles and producing coffee. Stern, traditional, and hardworking, he liked to recite the inspirational poetry of Khalil Gibran, and was admired as one of the few magnates in Guatemala who refused to plunder the state or make payoffs for favorable deals. At seventy-six, he suffered from vertigo, and he increasingly relied on the younger of his two daughters, Marjorie, to help him manage his business. Marjorie, who was forty-two, was married with two children, and she had an easy ebullience that infused her simple features with beauty. She had mastered the intricacies of finishing fabrics, and she had always been—as her sister, Aziza, acknowledges, without rancor—their father’s favorite.

　　據(jù)羅森博格稱，這些客戶當中有一位叫卡里爾·穆薩（Khalil Musa），正是牽涉到他的一件案子將自己的生命置于危險境地。穆薩是黎巴嫩移民，出身貧窮，卻掙下了萬貫家財，他的生意主要是紡織與咖啡制造。他是個嚴苛、傳統(tǒng)而又勤勉的人，喜愛背誦紀伯倫鼓舞人心的詩篇，在危地馬拉，他是少數(shù)幾位受人尊崇的巨頭之一，他不會因有利可圖而蠹蝕國家或大行賄賂。76歲的他患有眩暈癥，日益依賴于兩個女兒中的妹妹馬約莉（Marjorie），馬約莉時年42歲，已婚，有兩個小孩，她生性單純，熱情洋溢的性格為之更添一份魅力。她精通紡織印染的復雜工藝，她姐姐阿齊薩（Aziza）毫無私怨地承認，妹妹向來都是父親的掌上明珠。

Musa lived in an affluent neighborhood of Guatemala City, and Marjorie often drove him from their factory, on the outskirts of the capital, home for lunch. On April 14, 2009, they had set out on such a routine trip. The rainy season was a few weeks away, and so clouds had not obscured the steep volcanic cones that tower over the city, periodically showering the streets with ash. When Marjorie stopped at a red light, just outside the factory, a man got out of a car behind her and approached the Musas’ vehicle from the passenger side, as if to ask a question. He then aimed a 9-mm. pistol at Musa, and opened fire—a blur of smoke and light. The gunman sprinted to a motorcycle, where a driver was waiting for him, and hopped on the back seat. They sped away. The stoplight in front of the Musas’ car turned green, then red, and then green again, but the car remained in place, the engine still rumbling. One of the tinted windows on the passenger side had shattered, revealing father and daughter lying in one another’s blood. They had both been shot in the chest. The police arrived within minutes, but by then they were dead.

　　穆薩住在危地馬拉城一個富裕小區(qū)里，馬約莉經常開車從位于首都郊外的工廠載著他回家吃午飯。2009年4月14日，他們跟往常一樣又啟程了。離雨季還有幾個星期，城市周圍高聳而險峻的火山還不見云霧繚繞，不時會有火山灰掉落到大街上。出工廠沒多遠，當馬約莉在一處紅燈前停下時，一名男子從她身后的車里鉆出來，接近了穆薩汽車的乘客位置，像是要問路。他隨即掏出9毫米手槍對準了穆薩，槍響處，一抹煙霧和火光迸射而出。槍手飛奔向一輛摩托車，那兒有一名車手已經在等候，他躍上后座，摩托車疾馳而去。穆薩車前方的交通燈變綠，又變紅，再變綠，車卻絲毫未動，引擎還在隆隆作響。乘客座位一側有扇染色玻璃已經粉碎，可以看到父親與女兒倒在血泊之中。他們都是胸部中彈。警察幾分鐘后趕到，不過那時他們都已命喪黃泉。

Rosenberg had frequently expressed despair over the violence that consumed Guatemala. In 2007, a joint study by the United Nations and the World Bank ranked it as the third most murderous country. Between 2000 and 2009, the number of killings rose steadily, ultimately reaching sixty-four hundred. The murder rate was nearly four times higher than Mexico’s. In 2009, fewer civilians were reported killed in the war zone of Iraq than were shot, stabbed, or beaten to death in Guatemala.

　　對于吞噬危地馬拉的暴力，羅森博格常常感到絕望。2007年，在聯(lián)合國與世界銀行的一項聯(lián)合調查中，危地馬拉名列全球兇殺最嚴重國家的第三位。2000至2009年間，被害者數(shù)目逐年穩(wěn)定增長，最終達到了6400人。該國的謀殺率將近比墨西哥高出4倍。2009年，伊拉克戰(zhàn)區(qū)報告罹難的平民數(shù)量甚至要少于危地馬拉被槍殺、刺殺或毆打至死的人數(shù)。

The violence can be traced to a civil war between the state and leftist rebels, a three-decade struggle that, from 1960 to 1996, was the dirtiest of Latin America’s dirty wars. More than two hundred thousand people were killed or “disappeared.” According to a U.N.-sponsored commission, at least ninety per cent of the killings were carried out by the state’s military forces or by paramilitary death squads with names like Eye for an Eye. One witness said, “What we have seen has been terrible: burned corpses; women impaled and buried, as if they were animals ready for the spit, all doubled up; and children massacred and carved up with machetes.” The state’s counter-insurgency strategy, known as “drain the sea to kill the fish,” culminated in what the commission deemed acts of genocide.

　　暴力活動可追溯至政府軍與左翼叛軍的內戰(zhàn)，從1960年至1996年，戰(zhàn)爭持續(xù)了30多年，堪稱拉美骯臟戰(zhàn)爭中的極致。累計有超過20萬人被害或“失蹤”。據(jù)聯(lián)合國資助的一個委員會統(tǒng)計，至少90%的殺害是政府軍或準軍事組織——“以眼還眼”之類行刑隊所為。據(jù)一名目擊者透露，“慘景歷歷在目：燃燒的尸體、釘死和活埋的女人，仿佛他們是動物一樣，隨時都可能被屠戮，甚至變本加厲，兒童遭到大肆屠殺，就直接拿著大砍刀劈的。”該國的戡亂戰(zhàn)略以“趕盡殺絕”著稱，委員會認定這歸根結底是種族滅絕的暴行。

In 1996, the government reached a peace accord with the rebels, and it was supposed to mark a new era of democracy and rule of law. But amnesty was granted for even the worst crimes, leaving no one accountable. (Critics called the policy “the piñata of self-forgiveness.”) In 1998, the Guatemalan Archdiocese’s Office of Human Rights, led by Bishop Juan Gerardi, released a four-volume report, “Guatemala: Never Again,” which documented hundreds of crimes against humanity, identifying some perpetrators by name. Two days later, Gerardi was bludgeoned to death, a murder that was eventually revealed to be part of a conspiracy involving military officers.

　　1996年，政府與叛軍達成和平協(xié)議，本以為這標志著民主法治的新時代即將來臨。但是，即使那些罪大惡極的犯人也被大赦，誰都不用承擔責任。（批評家稱該政策為“自我寬恕的皮納塔【譯注：皮納塔是拉丁美洲特有的一種泥制彩色裝飾品，此處用來形容該政策的華而不實和不堪一擊】”）1998年，由主教胡安·杰拉爾迪（Juan Gerardi）領導的危地馬拉總教區(qū)人權辦公室發(fā)布了一份長達四卷的報告《危地馬拉：前車之鑒》，其中記錄了違反人權的數(shù)百項罪行，并注明了作惡者的姓名。兩天之后，杰拉爾迪就被亂棒打死，最后發(fā)現(xiàn)，這次兇殺是陰謀策劃好的，參與密謀的就有軍官。

After the peace accord, the state’s security apparatus—death squads, intelligence units, police officers, military counter-insurgency forces—did not disappear but, rather, mutated into criminal organizations. Amounting to a parallel state, these illicit networks engage in arms trafficking, money laundering, extortion, human smuggling, black-market adoptions, and kidnapping for ransom. The networks also control an exploding drug trade. Latin America’s cartels, squeezed by the governments of Colombia and Mexico, have found an ideal sanctuary in Guatemala, and most of the cocaine entering America now passes through the country. Criminal networks have infiltrated virtually every government and law-enforcement agency, and more than half the country is no longer believed to be under the control of any government at all. Citizens, deprived of justice, often form lynch mobs, or they resolve disputes, even trivial ones, by hiring assassins.

　　和平協(xié)議締結之后，該國的安全機構——行刑隊、情報機關、警官、軍方戡亂部隊——并未消亡，而是突變?yōu)榉缸锝M織。這些非法網絡好比是另一個并行的國度，武器走私、洗錢、敲詐勒索、偷渡、黑市販賣人口和綁架索贖，簡直無惡不作。這些網絡所控制的毒品交易迅速擴大。拉美犯罪集團在哥倫比亞和墨西哥遭到嚴厲打擊，卻在危地馬拉找到了理想的避難所，絕大多數(shù)進入美國的可卡因現(xiàn)在都經由該國周轉。犯罪網絡幾乎滲透到每一政府及司法機構，該國半數(shù)以上的人完全不認為政府在管事。那些享受不到司法公正的平民常常淪為私刑暴民，或者他們靠雇傭殺手來解決爭端，哪怕是瑣碎小事也不例外。

Some authorities have revived the darkest counter-insurgency tactics, rounding up undesirables and executing them. Incredibly, the death rate in Guatemala is now higher than it was for much of the civil war. And there is almost absolute impunity: ninety-seven per cent of homicides remain unsolved, the killers free to kill again. In 2007, a U.N. official declared, “Guatemala is a good place to commit a murder, because you will almost certainly get away with it.”

　　有的當局重新恢復了最黑暗的戡亂手段，把那些不受歡迎者聚攏起來，然后統(tǒng)一處決。不可思議的是，如今危地馬拉的死亡率甚至比內戰(zhàn)大部分時間都高。而且殺人到了肆無忌憚的地步：97%的兇殺至今是懸案，殺手隨意便可再開殺戒。2007年，一位聯(lián)合國官員稱，“危地馬拉就是謀殺的天堂，因為你幾乎篤定可以逍遙法外。”

After Rosenberg heard that the Musas had been shot, he rushed to the scene. Luis Mendizábal, a longtime friend and client of Rosenberg’s, told me, “I asked him to come and pick me up, so we could go to the place together. He said, ‘No, no, no. I’m not going to lose any time. I’m going directly.’ So he went. He couldn’t believe it. Then he came back over here, and cried, easily, for two hours.” His oldest son, Eduardo, who was twenty-four, told me that it was only the second time he had seen his father break down, the first being when Rosenberg revealed that he was separating from Eduardo’s mother. He seemed “completely destroyed” by the Musas’ deaths, Eduardo recalled.

　　得知穆薩父女被槍殺，羅森博格匆匆趕往現(xiàn)場。路易斯·蒙迪扎巴爾（Luis Mendizábal）是羅森博格的老友和客戶，他對我說，“我要他過來捎我一起去，這樣我們就能一塊趕到那兒。但他說，‘不，不，不。我不能浪費一點時間，我要直接趕過去。’這樣他就去了。他不敢相信眼前所見。后來他又返回那兒，放聲大哭，足足哭了兩個小時。”他的長子愛德華多（Eduardo）現(xiàn)年24歲，他告訴我，除了與愛德華多母親分手時之外，這還是第二次他看到父親如此形神俱毀。愛德華多回憶道，穆薩父女之死似乎“徹底摧垮”了他。

Though the crime was horrific, Rosenberg’s deeply emotional reaction was surprising. Musa was not a big client or someone he knew that well. Then Rosenberg told his son a secret: for more than a year, he and Marjorie had been having an affair.

　　盡管罪行可怖，但羅森博格極度的情感反應還是令人意外。穆薩不是個大客戶，與他交往也不甚深。后來羅森博格告訴了兒子一個秘密：一年多來，他一直與馬約莉有染。

They had planned to marry, but had not wanted to disclose their relationship until Marjorie got a divorce. Almost every day, they had exchanged text messages. On March 3, 2009, five weeks before the shooting, Marjorie wrote to Rosenberg, “I love you like I’ve never loved before. And, yes, I will marry you.” A few days later, she said, “Good night my love, my prince, my whole life. You don’t know how much I love you, how much I adore you, and how much I need you. You are so tender with me. And you’re the sweetest man I know.” She added, “I’m dying to live the rest of my life at your side.” He called her “my Marjorie de Rosenberg” and told her that she gave him “the strength to be a better man” and that they were “l(fā)iving an incredible love story.” Hours before she was killed, he ended a message with the words “Your prince forever.”

　　他們計劃結婚，不過打算等馬約莉離婚之后再公布他們的關系。幾乎每天他們都在互發(fā)短信。2009年3月3日，槍擊發(fā)生5周之前，馬約莉寫給羅森博格，“我愛你，我從未愛過這么深。是的，我要嫁給你。”幾天之后，她又說，“晚安，我的愛人，我的王子，我的全部生命。你不知道我有多么愛你，多么戀你，多么需要你。你對我溫柔備至，你是我所知道的最甜蜜的男人。”末了還添一句，“我渴望余生與你作伴。”他喚她“我羅森博格家的馬約莉”，并告訴她，是她給了他“不斷進步的力量”，而且他們“活在一個妙不可言的愛情故事里。”就在被害前的幾個小時，他還在一條消息的末尾署下“你永遠的王子”。

In tears, Rosenberg told his son, “They killed her! They killed her!” He told Mendizábal the same thing, repeating the words over and over.

　　眼含熱淚，羅森博格對他兒子說，“他們殺了她！他們殺了她！”他向蒙迪扎巴爾講述了同樣的事情，一遍又一遍地念叨著這句話。

The shootings unnerved the most powerful members of Guatemalan society. Khalil Musa knew Guatemala’s President, Álvaro Colom, who had also worked in the textile industry; Marjorie was a good friend of Gustavo Alejos, who was Colom’s private secretary, and whose brother was the head of Congress. An adviser to President Colom told me, “If the Musas could be killed, there was a sense that anyone could be.”

　　槍殺讓危地馬拉社會最有權勢的人物都感到緊張不安。穆薩認識危地馬拉總統(tǒng)阿爾瓦羅·科羅姆（Álvaro Colom），且總統(tǒng)也在紡織行業(yè)干過；馬約莉是科羅姆私人秘書古斯塔沃·阿萊霍斯（Gustavo Alejos）的好友，而古斯塔沃的哥哥是國會領導人。科羅姆總統(tǒng)的一名顧問告訴我，“如果穆薩父女都能被害，那給人的感覺就是誰都無法幸免了。”

Thousands of people showed up for the Musas’ funeral, Alejos among them. Rosenberg, concerned that his affair with Marjorie might cause a scandal, stood outside the chapel, watching from a distance. A few days later, Rosenberg received a call from a jeweller, who informed him that Marjorie had ordered a gift for him before her death—a wedding ring. “This is the message she sent me,” he told Mendizábal.

　　數(shù)千人出席了穆薩的葬禮，阿萊霍斯也在其中。羅森博格擔心他與馬約莉的韻事會引發(fā)丑聞，只好站在教堂外，遠遠地觀望。幾天之后，羅森博格接到珠寶商的電話，說馬約莉生前訂了一份禮物送給他——一枚結婚戒指。“這是她發(fā)給我的信號，”他對蒙迪扎巴爾說。

穆薩父女慘遭殺害，羅森博格痛不欲生，之后他會進行怎樣的調查？情勢一發(fā)不可遏制，羅森博格命運究竟如何？請看《被預言的謀殺》第二部分。

Rosenberg warned family and friends that the Musa murders would never be properly investigated. The criminal networks would either block the investigation or destroy the evidence, and if a probe somehow proceeded they would frame a scapegoat; finally, if all else failed, the gangsters would threaten to kill members of the judiciary system, who would bury the case. The Musas’ deaths, he predicted, would become just another statistic. Nevertheless, Rosenberg could not let the matter go: Why, he asked, had an honorable man like Musa been “put down like a dog”? And what had Marjorie, an exemplary daughter, done to deserve this?

　　羅森博格告誡家人與朋友，穆薩兇殺案永遠都得不到妥善調查。犯罪網絡要么阻止調查，要么毀滅證據(jù)，就算調查取得進展，他們也會找到替罪羊；萬一最后這些都不奏效，這幫匪徒還會向司法系統(tǒng)中辦理此案的人員發(fā)出死亡通牒。他推測，穆薩父女之死只不過是又一統(tǒng)計數(shù)據(jù)罷了。無論怎樣，羅森博格都不會善罷甘休：他叩問，為什么像穆薩這樣德高望重的人會“像只狗一樣被殺掉”？而且，馬約莉這樣的乖女兒，究竟造了什么孽會遭此下場？

Mendizábal, the longtime friend, says that after the funeral Rosenberg asked him for help, vowing to “go all the way to find out who killed the Musas.” Mendizábal was the one person Rosenberg knew who could help him take on the parallel powers that dominated Guatemala. A genteel-looking grandfather, with a silver mustache and birdlike eyes, he was known for making business deals, sometimes with the government, and he owned a clothing shop, in Guatemala City, that catered to a wealthy male clientele. But Mendizábal was no mere entrepreneur. It was whispered that, as in a John le Carré novel, the boutique also served as a meeting place for military-intelligence officers, coup plotters, and death-squad leaders.

　　老友蒙迪扎巴爾說，葬禮之后，羅森博格曾請求他伸出援手，發(fā)誓“要不惜一切代價找出殺害穆薩父女的兇手。”羅森博格明白，蒙迪扎巴爾能助他與控制危地馬拉的黑道勢力較量。蒙迪扎巴爾老爺子長相斯文，銀色的胡須，鳥一般的眼睛，他在危地馬拉城開了一家服裝店，專門服務于有錢的男性顧客。不過蒙迪扎巴爾可不僅是生意人。據(jù)密傳，正如約翰·勒·卡雷（John le Carré）在一部小說里描述的，時裝店也是軍方情報官員、政變策劃者和行刑隊頭目的聚會場所。

Mendizábal was Guatemala’s most notorious spy. Relying on an extensive network of orejas, or “ears,” he regularly compiled intelligence dossiers, vacuuming up even the most vaporous rumors and searching for patterns in the chaos of information. A former high-ranking U.N. official, who spent years investigating crimes in the country, told me, “Mendizábal has probably records on everyone in Guatemala. He knows everything: who is the lover of whom, who has money in the Cayman Islands, who has committed a murder. Everything.” Such information placed Mendizábal in great demand, and he had served as an adviser to several Guatemalan Presidents, including, for a while, Colom. Mendizábal presented himself as a fanatical anti-Communist, but his ideology, apparently, was flexible when it came to business: according to the newspaper El Periódico, he had once been caught smuggling weapons to Communist guerrillas in El Salvador. Mendizábal told me that he had never played both sides of Central America’s civil conflicts, but he seemed to embrace a Machiavellian persona: “The one who has the knowledge has the power. That’s why some people are afraid of the stuff that I do.”

　　蒙迪扎巴爾是危地馬拉最臭名昭著的間諜。依靠“耳朵”這個無孔不入的網絡，他定期匯編情報檔案，甚至是最捕風捉影的傳聞都收錄在內，并在各色信息中搜索匹配項。一位花費數(shù)年時間調查該國犯罪的前聯(lián)合國高級官員對我說，“蒙迪扎巴爾或許有危地馬拉每個人的記錄。他無所不知：誰是誰的愛人，誰在開曼群島存了錢，誰參與了謀殺。任何事情都逃不過他法眼。”這些信息讓蒙迪扎巴爾炙手可熱，他出任了幾屆危地馬拉總統(tǒng)的顧問，包括也為科羅姆干過一段。蒙迪扎巴爾自陳是狂熱的反共分子，但是，若涉及生意，他的意識形態(tài)顯然是靈活多變的：據(jù)報紙《El Periódico》披露，他一度因私運武器給薩爾瓦多的共產主義游擊隊而被捕。蒙迪扎巴爾告訴我，在中美洲內戰(zhàn)沖突中，他從未扮演過兩面派，但他貌似信奉馬基維利主義【譯注：一種為達目的不擇手段的政治權術理論】：“誰掌握信息，誰就握有權力。這就是有些人害怕我那些材料的原因。”

　　蒙迪扎巴爾同意幫助羅森博格，他們開始調查此案。馬約莉葬禮舉行之后不久，羅森博格獲得了一份監(jiān)控錄像的副本，這記錄了兇案發(fā)生當日穆薩紡織廠外的場景。蒙迪扎巴爾與羅森博格一起在服裝店里的電腦上看了錄像，他說，羅森博格反復播放這段錄像，搜尋著蛛絲馬跡。不同于羅森博格在他父親影院中看過的那些逃避現(xiàn)實的影片，這些顆粒狀的黑白圖像可是直擊人心、沒有劇本的敘事。它們顯示，在穆薩工廠前停著一輛卡車。司機在汽車里出出進進，眼睛瞟著路面。蒙迪扎巴爾告訴羅森博格，這家伙顯然是在望風。

Rosenberg stared helplessly at the implacable sequence that came next. A silhouette appeared in the corner of the screen: Marjorie, getting into her car. Rosenberg touched the television screen—she was there but not there. As Marjorie drove onto the street, with her father at her side, the car with the assassin raced up behind them, followed by the driver on the motorcycle. (The hit men were obeying a new law banning two people from travelling on a motorcycle—a law that was supposed to curb assassinations, since so many were carried out by hit men riding on back seats.) Rosenberg braced himself. After a flash, Marjorie vanished from the frame.

　　羅森博格無助地盯著接踵而來的那幕令人激憤難平的場景。一個身影出現(xiàn)在屏幕一角：馬約莉上車了。羅森博格撫摸著電腦屏幕——她在那，卻又不在那。馬約莉驅車出發(fā)了，身邊坐著她的父親，殺手的車緊跟在他們后面，再接著是那輛摩托車。（殺手倒是遵守了新法律，沒有兩人騎在一輛摩托車上——該法律本是為了遏制暗殺的，因為許多情況下都是坐在后座的人下手。）羅森博格鼓起勇氣往下看。一片閃光之后，馬約莉便從圖像中消失了。

The hit squad had displayed military precision, raising the prospect that the crime was carried out by the state’s security apparatus. The ballistics report indicated that Khalil Musa was hardly a random victim. He had been shot nine times. The bullet that killed Marjorie was a stray—it had apparently passed through Musa’s body before piercing hers.

　　殺手小組下手之精準有如軍人，由此來看，此次犯罪由國家安全機構實施的可能性挺大。彈道報告表明，穆薩并非隨機的被害者，他身中九彈。殺死馬約莉的則是一顆流彈——顯然，它穿透了穆薩的身體，射中了她。

In Guatemala, impunity has created a bewildering swirl of competing stories and rumors, allowing powerful interests not only to cloak history but also to fabricate it. As Francisco Goldman describes in his incisive 2007 book, “The Art of Political Murder,” about the assassination of Bishop Gerardi, the military and its intelligence operators concocted evidence and witnesses to generate endless hypotheses—it was a robbery, it was a crime of passion—in order to conceal the simple truth that they had murdered him. “So much would be made to seem to connect,” Goldman writes.

　　在危地馬拉，有罪不罰曾制造出眾多紛紛擾擾、令人迷惑、自相矛盾的故事與謠言，使得那些強大的利益集團不僅可以掩蓋歷史，還可以篡改歷史。正如弗朗西斯科·高曼（Francisco Goldman）在其一針見血的書《政治謀殺術》中的描述，對于杰拉爾迪主教被害一案，軍方及其情報人員捏造證據(jù)和證人，給出的假設沒完沒了——是搶劫，是激情犯罪——目的就是要掩蓋“他們謀殺了他”這個簡單事實。“能扯上關系的真可謂無所不有，”高曼寫道。

Guatemalans often cite the proverb “In a country of the blind, the one-eyed man is king.” Fighting his way through the political fog, Rosenberg searched for a motive, stubbornly insisting that, if two people were assassinated, then somebody had a reason to kill them. In notes he kept about the case, he reported that authorities had initially suggested the shootings stemmed from a dispute over a fired factory worker. But, by all accounts, Musa had treated his workers well. Were the police and authorities trying to cover something up, spinning another web of disinformation?

　　危地馬拉人時常引用一句諺語“盲人之國，獨眼為王”。羅森博格欲以自己的方式沖破政治迷霧，他尋找著動機，他堅持認為，如果兩人被暗殺，那一定是有人為著什么去殺他們。他在關于此案留下的筆記里記述道，當局起初暗示槍殺起因于和一個被解雇工人的爭執(zhí)。不過，大家都說穆薩對工人不錯。是否警方和當局意圖掩蓋什么，是否他們又在編織一張假情報之網?

Finally, a lead emerged. Mendizábal advised Rosenberg to look into the murky business surrounding two government positions for which Khalil Musa had been nominated in the months before his assassination. The nominations were for seats on the boards of directors of two institutions with strong ties to the state—most notably, the Rural Development Bank, known as Banrural. President Colom has called Banrural “our Administration’s financial arm,” and has relied on it to fund major social-welfare programs for the poor. These programs were administered by Guatemala’s First Lady, Sandra de Colom, a powerful politician who is often compared to Eva Perón, and who aspires to succeed her husband.

　　終于，一條線索浮出水面。穆薩在遭暗殺前數(shù)月曾被提名過兩個政府位置，蒙迪扎巴爾建議羅森博格去調查下有關這兩職位的黑暗交易。所提名的是兩家機構的董事會席位，而這些機構與政府頗有淵源——最有名的是農村發(fā)展銀行，又稱農村銀行（Banrural）。科羅姆總統(tǒng)曾稱農村銀行是“我們政府部門的財政支柱”，并靠它來為面向窮人的主要社會福利計劃籌集資金。而這些計劃交由危地馬拉第一夫人桑德拉·科羅姆（Sandra de Colom）管理，科羅姆夫人是一位經常與貝隆夫人相提并論的強權政治家，她志在接她丈夫的班。

Before Musa died, he had talked to Rosenberg about whether to accept the positions. Rosenberg considered entering Guatemalan politics a folly. With friends from law school, he had once started a conservative political party, but he had quit after it joined forces with traditional corrupt hands. Rosenberg told Musa, “Truthfully, I don’t think it’s a good idea.” Musa, hoping to help the country, accepted the offers anyway.

　　穆薩生前曾與羅森博格談及是否接受這些位置。羅森博格認為進入危地馬拉政壇是愚蠢的。他與法律學院的友人一起，曾經組建過一個保守派政黨，但在該黨與傳統(tǒng)腐敗勢力同流合污之后，他就退出了。羅森博格對穆薩說，“實話實說，我認為這不是個好主意。”穆薩希望幫助這個國家，總之他還是接受了這些提名。

But the nominations, mysteriously, had never gone through. Rosenberg learned from Mendizábal that there had been a fierce struggle over control of the two boards, which, together, manage enormous financial resources. According to Mendizábal, Musa’s uncompromising ethics posed a threat to parties with stakes in these institutions. Indeed, Marjorie’s sister, Aziza, told Rosenberg that, after her father was offered the nominations, he had attended a lunch where officials connected to the institutions discouraged Musa from taking the posts, and even insulted him. Afterward, Aziza recalled, her father sent letters to some of these officials, saying, “You won’t tell me what to do.” Musa soon received threatening text messages and calls, including one noting that the farm of a meddling government official had been torched.

　　但詭秘的是，這些提名一直都未獲批準。羅森博格從蒙迪扎巴爾那兒了解到，這兩大董事會的控制權之爭異常激烈，因為它們共同掌管著巨量金融資源。據(jù)蒙迪扎巴爾說，穆薩毫不妥協(xié)的為人對那些參股兩家機構的黨派而言無疑是一大威脅。的確，馬約莉的姐姐阿齊薩也告訴羅森博格，她父親被提名之后曾出席過一場午宴，席上，與這些機構有關的官員勸阻穆薩放棄這些位置，甚至對他出言不遜。后來，據(jù)阿齊薩回憶，她父親發(fā)信給其中一些官員說，“你休想指揮我該做什么。”穆薩很快就接到了威脅短信和電話，其中一個口氣強硬，說是一位從中作梗的政府官員的農場就曾遭縱火。

Rosenberg eventually ferreted out from Musa’s papers several documents concerning the appointments. One was a copy of a letter Musa had sent to the head of a group of small coffee growers that had a stake in the direction of Banrural. Musa said that he would not tolerate messages embedded with “double meanings,” adding, “I protect myself from my enemies.”

　　羅森博格最終從穆薩的文件里查獲了一些有關這些任命的文檔。其中一份是穆薩發(fā)給一個小咖啡種植者組織負責人信件的副本，該組織與農村銀行的管理存在利害關系。穆薩表示他不會容忍那些嵌入“雙重含義”的消息，并補充道，“我會保護自己，免遭敵人所害。”

Aziza said of her father, “He always says the truth and I think that is why he was murdered.”

　　關于父親，阿齊薩評價道，“他總喜歡講真話，我看，這就是他被害的原因所在。”

As Rosenberg dug deeper into the subterranean world of Guatemalan politics, he told friends that he had begun receiving threats himself. One day, Mendizábal says, Rosenberg gave him a phone number to write down—it was the number that showed up on his caller I.D. when he received the threats.

　　隨著羅森博格對危地馬拉政壇的地下世界挖掘得更深，他告訴好友說，自己也開始收到威脅了。蒙迪扎巴爾說，有一天，羅森博格給了他一個電話號碼并要他記下來——接到威脅時，來電顯示里正是這個號碼。

Rosenberg told friends that his apartment was under surveillance, and that he was being followed. “Whenever he got into the car, he was looking over his shoulder,” his son Eduardo recalled. From his apartment window, Rosenberg could look across the street and see an office where Gustavo Alejos, President Colom’s private secretary, often worked. Rosenberg told Mendizábal that Alejos had called him and warned him to stop investigating the Musas’ murders, or else the same thing might happen to him. Speaking to Musa’s business manager, Rosenberg said of the powerful people he was investigating, “They are going to kill me.” He had a will drawn up.

　　羅森博格告訴朋友，他的公寓處于監(jiān)視之中，有人跟蹤了他。“每次鉆進汽車時，他都會四下瞧瞧，”他兒子愛德華多回憶道。由公寓的窗口，羅森博格能俯瞰街道，他看到了一家辦事處，總統(tǒng)科羅姆的私人秘書古斯塔沃·阿萊霍斯常在此辦公。羅森博格告訴蒙迪扎巴爾，阿萊霍斯曾打電話給他，警告他停止調查穆薩父女謀殺案，否則同樣的事情也會落到他頭上。在與穆薩的商務經理的談話中，羅森博格提及了他正在調查的強權人物，“他們將要殺了我。”他還擬定了一份遺囑。

Mendizábal says that on Friday, May 8, 2009, he advised Rosenberg to leave the country. Rosenberg promised that he would, but not yet. He felt that he was on the verge of identifying who had ordered the hit on the Musas, and was collecting irrefutable proof, which he intended to present at the International Criminal Court. On Saturday evening, Rosenberg called Marjorie’s sister and told her that he planned to go for a bicycle ride the next morning, to clear his mind. On Sunday, just after 8 A.M., he pedalled away from his apartment building, listening to his iPod. After a few hundred yards, Rosenberg turned onto a service road. A gunman approached quickly, running across a grassy median toward him. No one saw the assassin as he pointed a 9-mm. pistol at Rosenberg’s head and repeatedly pulled the trigger.

　　2009年5月8日星期五，蒙迪扎巴爾建議羅森博格離開這個國家。羅森博格許諾會離開，但現(xiàn)在還不是時候。他感覺就快要找出襲擊穆薩父女的幕后元兇了，他正在搜集無可辯駁的證據(jù)，并打算向國際刑事法庭呈交這些證據(jù)。星期六晚，羅森博格打電話給馬約莉的姐姐，說他打算明早去騎會自行車，清醒一下頭腦。星期日，8點剛過，他就從居住的公寓樓里蹬著車出來了，一邊聽著iPod。騎行幾百碼之后，他拐上一條便道。一名槍手迅速靠近，穿過一塊綠色隔離帶，直朝他奔去。無人目擊這場謀殺，槍手用9mm手槍指著羅森博格的頭，不斷扣響著扳機。

Not long afterward, Rosenberg’s chauffeur was on his way to Rosenberg’s apartment when he saw his boss lying on the ground, surrounded by paramedics and police officers. He phoned Eduardo Rosenberg. “He told me I had to go near my dad’s house, about a block away,” Eduardo recalled. “He didn’t want to say what had happened. He just told me that I had to go there. So I hung up the phone. I started panicking, trying to get dressed. I picked up the phone again and called the driver. And I demanded to know what had happened. He still didn’t want to say. So I asked him, ‘Is my dad dead?’ He said, ‘Yes.’ ”

　　沒多久，羅森博格的司機前往羅森博格的寓所，途中，他見到老板躺在地上，四周圍著護理人員和警官。他打電話給愛德華多。“他告訴我，我得趕緊去我爸那，我們大約就相隔了一個街區(qū)，”愛德華多回憶道。“他不想說發(fā)生了什么。只是說我必須趕到那。這樣我就掛了電話。我驚慌失措起來，連衣服都穿不好了。我再次拿起電話打給司機。我要求知道所發(fā)生的一切。他還是什么也不說。因此我問他，‘是不是我爸爸死了？’他說，‘是的。’”5月11日星期一上午，科羅姆總統(tǒng)去他的主辦公室工作，辦公室位于總統(tǒng)府的第二層，是一間安全無窗的房子。該建筑的地下有一條地道通往國宮。這兩棟建筑【譯注：指總統(tǒng)府和國宮】都是豪爾赫·烏必哥（Jorge Ubico）下令建造的，烏必哥是該國1930年代至1940年代初當政的元首，他視自己為拿破侖再生，那一紀念性的石建筑【譯注：指國宮】顯露出他的狂妄自大。（該建筑充斥著五道拱門之主題，這是向Ubico五個字母致敬。）科羅姆在辦公室與宮殿之間來往穿梭時，面對的都是該國暴力史的暗示：行政辦公室是一位總統(tǒng)在政變中被罷黜的地方；餐廳則是一位軍事獨裁者遭警衛(wèi)人員刺殺的地方，該警衛(wèi)人員隨后飲彈自殺。

Colom, who was fifty-seven, was unusually reticent for a politician. Tall and severely thin, with bent shoulders, receding gray hair, and owlish glasses, he looked like a seminarian, which he had studied to be before turning to politics. A congenital lip deformity caused him to speak in a nasal, almost unintelligible whisper. He had experienced a number of tragedies: his first wife was killed in a car accident, and in 1979 his uncle, a popular progressive politician, joined Guatemala’s pantheon of martyrs when the military, after chasing him through the capital on motorcycles and in a helicopter, assassinated him.

　　科羅姆時年57歲，身為政治家，他異乎尋常的少言寡語。瘦高的個子，屈起的肩膀，謝頂?shù)陌装l(fā)，加上貓頭鷹式的眼鏡，他看去如同一位神學院學生，在轉攻政治之前，他確實學的是神學。天生的嘴唇畸形致使他說話帶有鼻音，耳語般幾乎聽不大清。他經歷過數(shù)次人生慘劇：他結發(fā)妻子死于車禍；1979年，他的叔叔，一位頗受歡迎的進步政治家，成為危地馬拉眾位烈士中的一員，軍方先是在首都動用摩托車和直升機對其追捕，而后將其暗殺。

In 2007, Colom, representing a social-democratic coalition, won the Presidency—the first time in five decades that a left-of-center leader had ruled Guatemala. The election was one of the bloodiest in the country’s history: more than fifty local candidates and party activists were murdered, and Colom’s campaign manager was nearly killed by three grenades thrown at his motorcade. Colom defeated Otto Pérez Molina, a conservative former general who had once overseen military intelligence. In the eighties, he had taught at the School of the Kaibiles, which produced an élite force of commandos whose training included slaughtering animals and drinking their blood, and whose motto was “A Kaibil is a killing machine.”

　　2007年，代表社會民主黨同盟的科羅姆登上了總統(tǒng)寶座，這是五十年來首次由左中翼領導人統(tǒng)治危地馬拉。選舉也是該國歷史上最血腥的一頁：超過50位本地候選人和黨派活動家遇害，而科羅姆的競選主管也差點被扔進他車隊的三枚手榴彈炸死。科羅姆在選舉中擊敗了奧托·佩雷斯·莫利納（Otto Pérez Molina），這是一位保守派的前任將軍，曾主管軍方情報部門。1980年代，莫利納任教Kaibil學校【譯注：Kaibil是危地馬拉軍方的一種特殊作戰(zhàn)部隊，擅長叢林作戰(zhàn)和戡亂行動】，負責培養(yǎng)精銳的突擊部隊，他們的訓練項目包括屠宰動物并喝它們的血，其口號是“一名Kaibil就是一臺殺人機器。”

Colom declared that the country must not return to a “past of darkness,” and he vowed to end the violence and the corruption. Yet, even if he was well intentioned, he was too weak to control the parallel state. A former U.N. official recalled asking Colom why he had given a ministry post to someone who was widely known to be corrupt. Colom replied, “He was not my choice.” Since Colom took power, two of his interior ministers have been indicted for corruption (a third died in a mysterious helicopter crash), and four consecutive heads of the national police have been dismissed, indicted, or jailed for alleged malfeasance. At the same time, Colom has been subject to a campaña negra—“black campaign”—conducted by many in the conservative oligarchy and in the political opposition. One day, President Colom and the First Lady discovered that the palace and their offices had been infiltrated with spy cameras.

　　科羅姆宣稱，危地馬拉決不能重返“昔日的黑暗”，他發(fā)誓要終結暴力與腐敗。然而，盡管他懷有良好愿望，但由于實力太弱，他無法駕馭“另一個并行的國度”。據(jù)一位前聯(lián)合國官員回憶，他曾問科羅姆為什么將部長職位授予一個眾所周知的腐敗者。科羅姆答道，“他并非我的選擇。”自科羅姆上臺以來，兩位內政部長被起訴貪污（第三名則死于一次神秘的直升機失事），而國家警察部隊連續(xù)四任司令因涉嫌瀆職，或遭解職，或被起訴，或陷囹圄。與此同時，科羅姆已處于“黑色運動”的控制之下，指揮該運動的多是保守派寡頭與政治反對派。一天，科羅姆總統(tǒng)與第一夫人發(fā)現(xiàn)，國宮和他們的辦公室已被滲入，都安上了間諜相機。

Earlier that Monday, Rosenberg’s funeral had been held, at the same cemetery where Marjorie was buried. Colom was in a meeting when he was interrupted by Gustavo Alejos, his private secretary. Alejos had received a call from a friend alerting him that something surreal had just happened at the funeral—something with implications for the entire government. Alejos called his cousin, a government minister who had been one of Rosenberg’s closest friends. The cousin, who had attended the ceremony, reported that Eduardo Rosenberg had given a eulogy and played a recording of “El Salvador Blues,” by Santana. Then Luis Mendizábal had stood up and addressed the hundreds of mourners: “Everybody here loved Rodrigo Rosenberg, and all of you are wondering why someone like Rodrigo, who couldn’t hurt anyone, was killed.” He paused, then said, “Well, Rodrigo left me with the answer.” He explained that Rosenberg had given him a video, with instructions to release it only if he was murdered. Mendizábal offered a CD to anyone who was interested.

　　周一早些時候，舉行了羅森博格的葬禮，就在馬約莉下葬的同一塊墓地。科羅姆正在開會，這時他的私人秘書古斯塔沃·阿萊霍斯進來打斷了會議。阿萊霍斯剛接到一位好友的電話，通知他說葬禮上發(fā)生了件離奇的事情，一件將整個政府牽連其中的事情。阿萊霍斯致電他的表親，身為政府部長，這位表親也是羅森博格的密友之一。該表親出席了葬禮儀式，他匯報說，愛德華多·羅森博格致了悼詞，并播放了桑塔納的唱片《薩爾瓦多布魯斯》。然后，蒙迪扎巴爾起立向數(shù)百名悼念者發(fā)表講話：“這兒的每個人都深愛著羅德里戈·羅森博格，你們都想知道，為什么像羅德里戈這樣手無寸鐵的人竟遭殺害。”他頓了頓，繼續(xù)說道，“是的，羅德里戈留給了我答案。”他解釋說，羅森博格給過他一段錄像，只有在其被害時才予以公布。蒙迪扎巴爾發(fā)給每位感興趣者一張CD。

Mendizábal, who says he looked at the video only after Rosenberg’s death, knew that his actions would unleash “big trouble,” as he put it. But the previous day, as rain fell, he had visited the site where Rosenberg was shot. “I started thinking, What am I going to do? Keep silent?” Mendizábal recalled. While praying, he had seen on the ground a discarded metal plate inscribed with the word “ON.” “I realized then what I was supposed to do,” he said.

　　蒙迪扎巴爾說他只是在羅森博格死后才看了這段錄像，用他的話說，他清楚自己的行為將打開“潘多拉的盒子”。但前一天，他冒雨查看了羅森博格遇害的地點。“我開始思考。我該做些什么？緘口不言么？”蒙迪扎巴爾回憶道。祈禱之時，他發(fā)現(xiàn)丟棄在地上的一塊金屬片刻著“ON”[譯注：ON在此處暗示是要揭開秘密]的字眼。“我明白下一步該怎么做了，”他說。

Alejos’s cousin had taken one of Mendizábal’s CDs, and Alejos told him to come straight to the President’s office. By then, members of Colom’s inner circle had heard about the video, and they, too, rushed to the President’s office. Vice-President José Rafael Espada, who was a former cardiothoracic surgeon, also joined them. The cousin arrived, and the group gathered around Colom’s computer to watch the video.

　　阿萊霍斯的表親也拿了一張蒙迪扎巴爾的CD，阿萊霍斯要他直接趕來總統(tǒng)辦公室。此時，科羅姆政府的核心成員都聽說了這段錄像，他們也匆匆趕往總統(tǒng)辦公室。副總統(tǒng)何塞·拉斐爾·埃斯帕達（José Rafael Espada）以前是一名胸外科醫(yī)生，同樣趕過來了。那位表親一到，這群人就圍攏在科羅姆的電腦前，一起觀看這段錄像。

Suddenly, Rodrigo Rosenberg was staring at them, sitting alone, with a microphone, in front of a spare table. He was dressed in a navy-blue suit, a starched white shirt, and a pale-blue tie—the kind of muted, formal ensemble that he had worn ever since his father had deserted the family, leaving him the head of the household. On his wedding finger was the ring that Marjorie had ordered for him.

　　突然，羅德里戈·羅森博格直視著他們，他獨坐著，手拿麥克風，身后是一張空臺子。他穿著天藍色套裝，筆挺的白襯衫，外加一條淡藍色領帶，自從他父親拋棄家庭，他成為一家之主以后，就經常穿著這樣的一套淡色正裝。在他的婚禮手指上戴著的正是馬約莉為他訂購的戒指。

“Good afternoon,” Rosenberg said. “My name is Rodrigo Rosenberg Marzano and, alas, if you are hearing or seeing this message it means that I’ve been murdered by President Álvaro Colom, with the help of Gustavo Alejos.” Rosenberg went on, “The reason I’m dead, and you’re therefore watching this message, is only and exclusively because during my final moments I was the lawyer to Mr. Khalil Musa and his daughter Marjorie Musa, who, in cowardly fashion, were assassinated by President Álvaro Colom, with the consent of his wife, Sandra de Colom, and with the help of . . . Gustavo Alejos.”

　　“下午好，”羅森博格說道。“我的名字是羅德里戈·羅森博格·馬扎諾，哎呀！如果你聽到或看到此條消息，那表示我已經被謀殺了，是科羅姆總統(tǒng)在古斯塔沃·阿萊霍斯協(xié)助下干的。”羅森博格繼續(xù)說，“我死了，而你能看到這條消息絕無僅有的原因便是：在我生命的最后階段，我是卡里爾·穆薩及其女兒馬約莉·穆薩的律師，而科羅姆總統(tǒng)在他妻子桑德拉·科羅姆的授意下，在古斯塔沃·阿萊霍斯的協(xié)助下以卑劣的手段暗殺了他們。”

Rosenberg said that he had “direct knowledge” of a conspiracy. He alleged that the President, the First Lady, members of the Colom Administration, and their business cronies were using Banrural to embezzle and launder money. (In a document summarizing his charges, which he had given to Mendizábal along with the recording, Rosenberg wrote, “Musa did not suspect that illegal, million-dollar business transactions were taking place daily in Banrural. These transactions range from money laundering to the channelling of public funds to nonexistent programs belonging to the President’s wife, Sandra de Colom, as well as the funding of shell companies used by drug traffickers.”) Because Musa would not have tolerated such corruption, Rosenberg said, he became a threat when he was nominated to Banrural’s board. At that point, Rosenberg said, the President, the First Lady, Alejos, and others conspired to kill him.

　　羅森博格說，他掌握了這場陰謀的“直接證據(jù)”。他宣稱，總統(tǒng)、第一夫人、科羅姆政府成員及他們的生意伙伴利用農村銀行侵吞公款并洗錢。（他將一份總結其指控的文檔與錄像一同交給了蒙迪扎巴爾，在這份文檔中，羅森博格寫道，“穆薩并未懷疑每天在農村銀行發(fā)生的上百萬美元的非法業(yè)務往來。這些交易囊括了從洗錢到轉移公共基金至總統(tǒng)夫人名下子虛烏有的計劃等，還為毒梟使用的空殼公司提供資金。”）由于穆薩不會容忍此類腐敗，羅森博格說，因而被提名為農村銀行董事的他便成了一大威脅。于是，羅森博格說，總統(tǒng)、第一夫人、阿萊霍斯及其他人共謀要置之于死地。

Initially, Rosenberg spoke slowly and stiffly, but then his hands began to rise and fall, along with his eyebrows, the power of his voice growing—a voice from the grave. “I don’t have a hero complex,” he said. “I don’t have any desire to die. I have four divine children, the best brother life could have given me, marvellous friends.” He continued, “The last thing I wanted was to deliver this message. . . . But I hope my death helps get the country started down a new path.” He urged Vice-President Espada—whom he described as “not a thief or an assassin”—to assume the Presidency and insure that the guilty parties wound up in jail. “This is not about seeking revenge, which only makes us like them,” Rosenberg said. “It is about justice.” He predicted that the Guatemalan government would try to cover up the truth, by smearing the Musas and inventing plots. “But the only reality that counts is this: if you saw and heard this message, it is because I was killed by Álvaro Colom and Sandra de Colom, with the help of Gustavo Alejos.” He concluded, “Guatemalans, the time has come. Please—it is time. Good afternoon.”

　　起初，羅森博格話語緩慢，略顯僵硬，不過隨即他的手就開始一起一落，眉也一蹙一揚，聲音的力度加強了——這是來自墳墓的聲音。“我沒有英雄情結，”他說。“我不想死。老天賜我四個小孩，給了我最好的兄弟情誼，還有了不起的朋友們。”他接著說，“我想做的最后一件事情便是傳遞這條消息……但我希望我的死能幫助這個國家獲得新生。”他力勸副總統(tǒng)埃斯帕達——他將其形容為“既非國蠹，亦非兇手”——擔任總統(tǒng)并確保將這個罪惡團伙繩之以法。“這不是什么圖謀報復，那只會讓我跟他們一樣，”羅森博格說。“這關乎司法公正。”他預計危地馬拉政府會試圖通過誹謗穆薩父女和捏造故事情節(jié)來掩蓋真相。“但唯一可以相信的事實是：如果你看到或聽到這一消息，即是古斯塔沃·阿萊霍斯幫助阿爾瓦羅·科羅姆和桑德拉·科羅姆殺害了我。”他總結道，“危地馬拉的兄弟姐妹們，這一時刻已經到了。拜托——到時候了。午安。”

The video, which lasted about eighteen minutes, appeared to have been made cheaply. A blue sheet had been hung behind Rosenberg, to deflect glare, and there was a dull hum in the background, perhaps from cars on a nearby street. As with a hostage video, the eerie, amateurish quality of the production lent authenticity to Rosenberg’s claim: he had been rubbed out.

　　這段錄像長約18分鐘，看上去是那種廉價制作。一塊藍色薄板掛在羅森博格身后用來偏轉強光，背景里能聽到隱約的嘈雜聲，也許是附近街道上汽車的聲音。類似于人質錄像，陰森恐怖的業(yè)余制作水準讓羅森博格的聲明更具真實感：他是被謀殺了。

When the video ended, President Colom and his staff were unable to speak. One aide later told me that he felt as if they had been transported into another world—a world of movie thrillers. Finally, Colom muttered that his enemies were trying to destroy his Presidency. “They want us out of here,” he said.

　　看完這段錄像，科羅姆總統(tǒng)及其幕僚目瞪口呆。總統(tǒng)的一位助手后來告訴我，他感覺自己被傳送到了另一個世界——驚悚片的世界。最后，科羅姆喃喃自語道，他的敵人想要毀了他的總統(tǒng)位子。“他們想將我從這兒趕出去，”他說。

No one in the room asked the President or Alejos if the allegations were true. An official who is close to Colom told me he could not believe that the President had been involved in ordering a murder. But, given the history of Guatemala, the official said, it was possible that others in the Administration had done so: “You never know.”

　　屋子里沒人質問總統(tǒng)或阿萊霍斯這些指控是否屬實。一位與科羅姆關系密切的官員告訴我，他不相信總統(tǒng)會是謀殺的幕后主使。但是，慮及危地馬拉的歷史，這位官員說，有可能是政府里的其他人做了這樣的事情：“你永遠也無從知曉。”

The room was filled with unacknowledged tensions and questions: Why had Rosenberg called for Vice-President Espada to take the reins of the country? Was Espada involved with Rosenberg, trying to orchestrate a new kind of coup? President Colom told me that the video “put the Vice-President in a compromising position.” The palace was at war with itself.

　　房間里充滿了莫名的緊張氣氛和不解疑團：為什么羅森博格會呼吁副總統(tǒng)埃斯帕達接手統(tǒng)治？莫非埃斯帕達與羅森博格有瓜葛，試圖精心安排一場新的政變？科羅姆總統(tǒng)對我說，這段錄像“讓副總統(tǒng)如坐火山口。”國宮內都硝煙彌漫了。

According to a member of the government, Alejos acted as if he were “going to be arrested.” He called his wife and told her that she and their son had to leave the country. He then offered his resignation to the President, but Colom told him, “We’ll get through this.”

　　據(jù)一名政府成員透露，阿萊霍斯的舉動，好似他“即將被捕”一樣。他打電話給妻子，要她和兒子必須離開這個國家。然后他向總統(tǒng)提交了辭呈，不過科羅姆告訴他，“我們會度過難關。”

The video was almost instantly uploaded to YouTube, and it was broadcast on national television. The Presidential spokesman’s cell phone began ringing: reporters were demanding a response from Colom. “Honestly, for a few hours, we didn’t know what to say,” the spokesman told me. The President, Alejos, and the aides frantically tried to come up with a statement. Finally, they hashed out a few words. The President didn’t think that he should deliver them himself—better to maintain a dignified distance. And so two aides went out and stood before a pack of reporters, categorically rejecting the accusations.

　　錄像幾乎瞬間就上傳到了YouTube，并在國家電視臺播出。總統(tǒng)發(fā)言人的手機開始響個不停：記者要求科羅姆作出回應。“坦白地說，那幾個小時內，我們不知道該說些什么，”這位發(fā)言人對我如是說。總統(tǒng)、阿萊霍斯及助手們絞盡腦汁想要拿出一份聲明來，但討論來討論去，最后只有幾句話。總統(tǒng)不愿親自發(fā)表聲明，認為保持有尊嚴的距離會更好些。于是，兩位助手站到了一大幫記者面前，斷然否認了所有指控。

The brief statement only fuelled the uproar: Why wasn’t the President himself responding? Why was he in hiding? In a panic, Colom’s chief of staff called Roberto Izurieta, a political consultant in Washington, D.C. Izurieta taught crisis management at George Washington University, but he was better known as the James Carville of Latin America—a strategist who had helped elect Presidents across the region, including Colom. Izurieta based much of his tactical thinking on Sun Tzu’s “Art of War.”

　　這份簡短聲明只能是火上澆油：為何總統(tǒng)自己不出來回應？為何他還在遮遮掩掩？驚慌之中，科羅姆的秘書長連忙致電羅伯托·伊蘇列塔（Roberto Izurieta），他是華盛頓的一名政治顧問，在喬治華盛頓大學教授危機管理，不過他更為人所知的名頭是“拉丁美洲的詹姆斯·卡維爾（James Carville）”，【譯注：卡維爾是美國前總統(tǒng)克林頓的競選謀士，為總統(tǒng)當選立下汗馬功勞。】這位謀略家曾為該地區(qū)各國總統(tǒng)選舉提供過支持，包括科羅姆在內。伊蘇列塔的戰(zhàn)術思維主要以《孫子兵法》為藍本。

The chief of staff e-mailed Izurieta a link to the video. Izurieta later wrote, in an unpublished report, “After more than twenty years in politics, I can’t recall anything that made such a powerful impression on me.” He called back Colom’s chief of staff and said, “I’m catching the next flight to Guatemala.”

　　秘書長電郵給伊蘇列塔一個錄像鏈接。伊蘇列塔后來在一份未發(fā)表的報告里寫道，“我在政壇馳騁二十多年，還從來沒見過讓我如此震撼的事件。”他回電科羅姆的秘書長，“我會坐下一趟航班趕到危地馬拉。”

Early the next morning, several reporters discovered Guatemala’s Attorney General—who was supposed to be heading up an impartial investigation into Rosenberg’s assassination—slipping out of a meeting with Colom. A former Presidential candidate said on the radio, “What justice is there going to be if the Attorney General meets together in the private office of the President?”

　　第二天一早，一些記者發(fā)現(xiàn)，危地馬拉的檢察長（他本應牽頭對羅森博格暗殺事件進行公正調查）與科羅姆一同悄悄溜出了會場。一位前總統(tǒng)候選人在廣播里疾呼，“若是檢察長與總統(tǒng)在私人辦公室里密會，那還有什么公正可言？”

Meanwhile, the Rosenberg video was entering the public consciousness, multiplying and regenerating like a spirochete. Within days, hundreds of thousands of people had watched it online—so many that servers crashed. A political analyst remarked that Rosenberg’s testimony was being translated into more languages than the works of Guatemala’s most famous poets and novelists. The video, known by the simple tag YouTube Murder, created what one of the country’s largest newspapers called “the greatest political crisis” in the history of Guatemalan democracy.

　　與此同時，羅森博格的錄像進入了公眾視野，并像螺旋體一般繁殖傳播。幾天之內，數(shù)十萬人在線觀看了它，流量之大，弄得服務器都癱了。一位政治分析家評論，羅森博格的證詞被翻譯成的語言種數(shù)，甚至超過了危地馬拉最著名詩人和小說家的作品。這段錄像以“YouTube謀殺”的簡單標簽而走紅，危地馬拉最大報紙之一稱其制造了該國民主史上“最重大的政治危機”。

By Tuesday morning, protesters were streaming into Guatemala City’s Central Plaza, dressed in white, a symbol of political purity, and screaming outside the National Palace, “Asesino! Asesino!”

　　周二上午，抗議人群匯集到了危地馬拉城的中心廣場，他們身著白衣，這代表政治的純潔，他們在國宮外放聲吶喊，“兇手！兇手！”

Izurieta, the consultant, arrived at the airport that afternoon and headed to the palace. As he approached, he could see the swarm of white-clad protesters in the plaza—the tsunami blanco, as the press dubbed it. Izurieta told his driver to stop the car, and got out. “I wanted to feel the protests, to see the people’s faces, to get the sense of the intensity,” he recalled. He knew that there was a moment when a political crisis became unmanageable; at that point, he, too, would be merely a spectator to history.

　　是日下午，顧問伊蘇列塔抵達機場，直趨國宮而去。他快到時，看到廣場上云集著白衣抗議者，用媒體的話說，就是一片白色的海洋。伊蘇列塔要司機停車，他下了車。“我想接觸下這些抗議者，看看他們的臉，體味一番激蕩的情感，”他回憶道。他知道，有時候政治危機會變得無法控制；到那時，他也只能淪為歷史的看客。

In the palace, Izurieta set up a war room in the President’s office. Sun Tzu warns that, to prevail, one has to “know thy self,” and if Izurieta was going to help the President he had to learn all the palace secrets. Late in the day, he found Colom secluded in a room with Guatemala’s Archbishop, murmuring words that Izurieta could not make out, as if he were in confession. No one dared to disturb the President, but Izurieta finally had to interrupt: Colom was scheduled to give a live interview on CNN.

　　國宮內，伊蘇列塔在總統(tǒng)辦公室里特辟了一個作戰(zhàn)室。孫子告誡道，要戰(zhàn)而勝之，就要“知己”，如果伊蘇列塔要幫助總統(tǒng)，那他必須知道所有宮內的秘密。當天稍晚，他發(fā)現(xiàn)科羅姆與危地馬拉大主教蟄居一室，咕噥著些伊蘇列塔不知所以的話，好像他是在告解。沒人敢去驚擾總統(tǒng)，但伊蘇列塔最后不得不出面打斷，因為科羅姆預定了要接受CNN的直播采訪。

Colom spoke by satellite from the old executive office in the palace. He wore a blue suit and tie, and sat in a large wooden chair, staring directly into the camera—a pose that, to Izurieta’s dismay, mirrored Rosenberg delivering his posthumous J’accuse. The President claimed that the video was part of a “plot to destabilize the government.” Blinking nervously, he looked pale and scared. An aide conceded to me, “Everyone thought he was lying.” Not long afterward, the director of El Periódico wrote, “I can’t help but express the repugnance I felt during the declarations of President Álvaro Colom. . . . The only thing missing now is for the President and his henchmen to say that it was Rodrigo himself who immolated himself, kamikaze style, in order to discredit the government and that he himself paid the assassins to murder him.”

　　科羅姆在國宮的行政辦公室通過衛(wèi)星講話。他身著藍色套裝，系一根藍色領帶，坐在大大的木椅上，直盯著攝像機——這姿勢讓伊蘇列塔驚愕不已，這不活脫脫是羅森博格發(fā)表死后控訴的翻版么。總統(tǒng)稱這段錄像是“顛覆政府陰謀”的一部分。他局促地眨著眼睛，臉容蒼白，面露懼色。一位助手向我坦承，“人人都以為他在撒謊。”其后不久，《El Periódico》主管寫道，“科羅姆總統(tǒng)發(fā)表聲明時，我抑制不住自己的厭惡之情……總統(tǒng)及其親信現(xiàn)在唯一沒挑明的是：羅德里戈系自我犧牲，像日本神風特攻隊一樣發(fā)起了自殺性攻擊，目的是向政府潑污水，是他自己買兇殺死了自己。”

The President’s chief political rival, the former general Otto Pérez Molina, demanded that Colom step down. But the President insisted that he would forsake his position only if “they kill me.” In an interview on Al Jazeera, Colom warned Guatemalans to “be careful of crossing the line,” and added, “Accusing a President of murder publicly could be sedition.”

　　總統(tǒng)的主要政治對手、前任將軍莫利納要求科羅姆下臺。但總統(tǒng)堅持說，除非“他們殺了我”，否則他不會放棄這個位置。在卡塔爾半島電視臺的采訪中，科羅姆警告危地馬拉人“小心別越界，”又補充說，“公開指控總統(tǒng)謀殺就是煽動叛亂。”

A young Guatemalan, furious with the government, sent out a message on Twitter that said, “The first concrete action should be to take cash out of Banrural and bankrupt the bank of the corrupt.” Soon afterward, authorities, fearing a run on the bank, stormed his apartment and detained him. Twitter provided a stream of data from a new democratic class of informants and orejas, creating a narrative of unpunctuated fragments from sources known and unknown, verified and unverified. There was chatter that Mendizábal feared for his life, and that the Musas’ house had been broken into.

　　一名危地馬拉青年對政府大發(fā)雷霆，在Twitter上發(fā)出的一條消息里他這么寫道，“頭件事情應該是將存在農村銀行的現(xiàn)金取出來，讓這家腐敗的銀行破產。”沒多久，當局擔心銀行遭擠兌，突襲了他的住處并將其拘留。Twitter提供了一系列來自新的民主派線人和“耳朵”的信息，這些已知與未知、已證實與未證實的片段串起來，就是一篇不加標點的故事。有人說蒙迪扎巴爾害怕會送命，有人說穆薩家曾被破門而入。

Each day, the demonstrations grew, mobilized by messages on Facebook and Twitter. The place where Rosenberg was killed became a shrine, with a large wooden cross and signs reading “You didn’t die in vain!” Protesters erected a movie screen and broadcast Rosenberg’s final testimony, so that his body and voice floated over the crowd. The video looped over and over, in an eternal present tense. A columnist said that Rosenberg had become “the voice of millions of Guatemalans.”

　　示威活動與日俱增，大家都被Facebook和Twitter上的消息鼓動起來了。羅森博格被害的地方成了圣地，一個大大的木十字架豎在那兒，上書“你不會白白死去！”抗議者立起一塊電影屏，用來播放羅森博格的最后證詞，這樣他的音容笑貌就在人群上空浮現(xiàn)。錄像反復播個不停，這是永久的現(xiàn)在時。一位專欄作家說，羅森博格已然變身“數(shù)百萬危地馬拉人的代言者。”

In the war room, Izurieta told President Colom, “We don’t have much time.” Aides bused in Colom supporters to the Central Plaza and filmed them, distributing the footage to television stations. (It was “pure propaganda,” the spokesman said.) But Colom wasn’t just losing a media battle; the government was on the verge of collapse.

　　在作戰(zhàn)室，伊蘇列塔對科羅姆總統(tǒng)說，“我們時間所剩不多。”助手們將科羅姆的支持者用公車拉到中心廣場，并對他們進行了拍攝，然后把這些膠片分發(fā)給電視臺。（發(fā)言人表示，這是“純宣傳活動。”）但科羅姆不僅在媒體戰(zhàn)爭中敗下陣來；政府也搖搖欲墜。

The U.S. Ambassador, Stephen McFarland, paid an urgent visit to the palace. During the Cold War, America had frequently supported Guatemala’s brutal security apparatus. In the nineteen-fifties, the C.I.A. had contemplated an assassination campaign against left-wing Guatemalan targets and disseminated a treatise on the art of political murder: “The subject may be stunned or drugged and then placed in the car, but this is only reliable when the car can be run off a high cliff or into deep water without observation.” In 1999, President Bill Clinton, speaking of such policies, said that the U.S. “must not repeat that mistake.”

　　美國大使斯蒂芬·麥克法蘭德（Stephen McFarland）緊急造訪國宮。冷戰(zhàn)期間，美國屢屢支援危地馬拉殘暴的安全機構。1950年代，CIA曾對危地馬拉左翼目標策劃一場暗殺活動，還拋出了有關政治謀殺術的論述：“將目標打昏或麻醉，然后放到汽車里，不過，只有讓汽車跌落高崖或墜入深水且無人發(fā)現(xiàn)，才是可靠的方法。”1999年，克林頓總統(tǒng)談及此類手段，稱美國“一定不會再犯那種錯誤。”

McFarland stressed to President Colom that there was only one way out of the crisis: to turn over the investigation of the Rosenberg case to a U.N.-backed organization called the International Commission Against Impunity in Guatemala, or CICIG. Created in the fall of 2007, CICIG is a pathbreaking political experiment. Unlike many truth commissions or human-rights bodies, it does not investigate war crimes of the past, or merely monitor abuses. Rather, it aggressively fights against systemic violence and corruption, acting like blasts of radiation on a cancerous organism. Composed of several dozen judges, prosecutors, and law-enforcement officers from around the world, CICIG works within Guatemala’s legal system to prosecute members of organized crime and dismantle clandestine networks embedded in the state. Rosenberg’s brother, Eduardo Rodas, told the press that CICIG was “our only hope for achieving justice.”

　　麥克法蘭德為科羅姆總統(tǒng)點出了眼下擺脫危機的唯一途徑：將羅森博格案子的調查權轉交聯(lián)合國支持的組織——危地馬拉的“國際打擊有罪不罰委員會”（簡稱CICIG）。該組織成立于2007年秋，是一次開拓性的政治試驗。與許多真相委員會或人權團體不一樣，它并不調查過去的戰(zhàn)爭罪行，也不是僅僅監(jiān)督司法濫用，而是與系統(tǒng)性暴力和腐敗作積極的斗爭，其行為如同是對癌癥組織施以放射療法。CICIG由來自全世界的幾十位法官、檢察官和執(zhí)法官組成，在危地馬拉的法律框架內工作，可以起訴犯罪組織成員，并拆毀隱藏政府內部的秘密網絡。羅森博格的兄弟愛德華多·羅達斯（Eduardo Rodas）對媒體表示，CICIG是“我們獲得公正的唯一希望。”

On May 12th, two days after Rosenberg was murdered, President Colom agreed to refer the case to CICIG. Not only did the fate of the Rosenberg case and the Colom Presidency depend on this international team of investigators, which was led by a former Spanish prosecutor and judge named Carlos Castresana; so did the fate of Guatemala’s democracy. As The Economist put it, “Whether or not Mr. Rosenberg’s killers are brought to justice will show whether or not Guatemala is indeed a failed state.”

　　5月12日，羅森博格被殺兩天之后，科羅姆總統(tǒng)同意將案件提交CICIG。該組織負責人是在西班牙曾擔任檢察官和法官的卡洛斯·卡斯特雷薩納（Carlos Castresana）。不僅羅森博格案子的結果和科羅姆的總統(tǒng)位置有賴于這個國際調查小組；危地馬拉民主制度的命運亦是如此。正如《經濟學人》所指出的，“殺害羅森博格的兇手能否繩之以法，將顯示危地馬拉究竟是不是個失敗的國家。”　在危地馬拉，卡斯特雷薩納法官感覺自己就像個囚徒。5月12日，該國山雨欲來風滿樓時，這位51歲的調查員還被孤立在CICIG總部內，這是首都一處用圍墻隔離的別墅，曾充作美國海軍陸戰(zhàn)隊的總部。基于安全考慮，不許卡斯特雷薩納單獨外出購買慣抽的香煙，也不許他探訪鄰近那些街道，它們的名字叫人難以忘懷——煉獄街、悲傷街、遺忘街。他隨裝甲車隊出行，身邊跟著的是由國外招來的保鏢，這樣可以減少臥底的可能。卡斯特雷薩納首抵危地馬拉領導CICIG時，他把妻子和兩個年幼的小孩都留在了老家，自己在市中心租了一套公寓，但他的安保主管，一位西班牙國民警衛(wèi)隊的老兵警告說，他已是暗殺的目標，因而他只好搬進了自己辦公室樓上的一個房間。卡斯特雷薩納有時感覺自己就像個“冒牌貨”：這個他實施政治調查的地方，他幾乎什么也看不到。他對我說，“我了無生趣。”

A bold and, at times, vainglorious man, Castresana treated boredom as if it were a contagion. In 1998, he was working as a special prosecutor against corruption in Madrid when, in a bout of restlessness, he drafted an indictment against General Augusto Pinochet, the Chilean strongman, for the murder of thousands of his countrymen, which, to the astonishment of the world, led to Pinochet’s arrest, in England. Though Pinochet was eventually released, it marked the first time in history that a onetime head of state had been detained on the principle of universal jurisdiction. In 2007, Castresana, after serving in a U.N. mission investigating the unsolved murders of hundreds of women in Ciudad Juárez, Mexico, came to Guatemala—like a “parachutist,” as he puts it. A letter to the editor in El Periódico said, “Welcome, Mr. Castresana, your presence in the country is proof that our institutions simply don’t work.”

　　卡斯特雷薩納勇敢無畏，偶爾甚至有些自負，他視無聊乏味為一種傳染病。1998年，在馬德里擔任反腐敗特別檢察官時，他不甘無所作為，針對智利政治強人奧古斯托·皮洛切特（Augusto Pinochet）將軍起草了一份起訴書，控告他殺害了數(shù)千國人，令世界震驚的是，這使皮洛切特在英國鋃鐺入獄。雖說皮洛切特最終被釋放，但這是歷史上首次國家前元首依據(jù)普遍管轄權的原則而被拘押。2007年，他在一個聯(lián)合國使團任職，該使團負責調查墨西哥華雷斯數(shù)百名女性被害懸案，之后他來到了危地馬拉，用他自己的話說，是“空降到這兒的”。一封給《El Periódico》編輯的信這么寫道，“歡迎到此，卡斯特雷薩納先生，你在這個國家出現(xiàn)，證明了我們的政府機構完全失效。”

Castresana, who had the look of an aging student radical, with wavy brown hair and glasses with small round lenses, was not a typical diplomat. One of his friends, with a mixture of admiration and despair, describes him as a “l(fā)oose cannon.” Castresana often compared the criminals he investigated to characters from literature, and he seemed to conceive of himself as an Arthurian knight swept up in one heroic battle after another. He spoke incessantly about a “code of honor,” and often clashed with his counterparts at the U.N. He told a former Guatemalan Foreign Minister, “I don’t plan to be another U.N. bureaucrat.”

　　外表看去，卡斯特雷薩納像一位年長的激進學者，波浪形棕發(fā)，小圓鏡片的眼鏡，不見典型外交官的樣子。他的一位朋友半是欽佩半是絕望地形容他為“我行我素者”。卡斯特雷薩納常將自己所調查的罪犯與文學作品中的人物作比較，他似乎將自己想象為亞瑟王的騎士，在一場接一場的英勇戰(zhàn)斗中橫掃無敵。他口上總掛著“榮譽準則”，與聯(lián)合國的同僚沖突頻頻。他對危地馬拉前外交部長說，“我不想成為又一位聯(lián)合國官僚。”

In 2008, in its first big case, CICIG charged a chief homicide prosecutor with obstructing justice and tampering with evidence. “We thought, as proud international investigators, we were very good at what we did,” Castresana recalled. “But, when you come to a country with such extended levels of corruption, it doesn’t matter if you have built a good case. So when we brought the case against the prosecutor it was a complete failure. He came triumphantly to the court and he was released.” Castresana realized that he could not bring criminals to justice before he had removed at least some of the most corrupt officials. As Castresana later told the press, “Guatemala’s institutions must be purged from the inside—they need an exorcism.”

　　2008年，CICIG迎來了第一件大案子，它指控一名首席兇案檢察官妨礙司法公正并竄改證據(jù)。“我們以為，作為驕傲的國際調查員，我們對自己所從事的極為擅長，”卡斯特雷薩納回憶道。“但是，當你置身一個腐敗蔓延如此之廣的國度，你立了一件好案子其實是無關痛癢的。結果我們對該名檢察官的立案是一次徹頭徹尾的失敗。他大搖大擺地出庭，然后就被釋放了。”卡斯特雷薩納認識到，至少要先將一些最腐敗的官員清除出去，他才能將罪犯繩之以法。正如卡斯特雷薩納后來對媒體所言，“危地馬拉的政府機構必須從內部進行清理——他們需要一場驅魔大法。”

Castresana seized upon a rule in CICIG’S charter that permitted the organization to petition local officials to punish unethical officials. Through this process, his team began to remove more than fifteen hundred corrupt police officers, including fifty police commissioners and the deputy director of the national police. CICIG also “invited” nearly a dozen prominent prosecutors to leave their posts, and had a magistrate in Guatemala City banished to the hinterlands. “My team told me not to—that I would put everyone in the judiciary against us,” Castresana recalled. “I said, ‘No, all the judiciary is already against us. If the judges know that they can say no to CICIG, then it is our death.’ ” In the summer of 2008, he even asked President Colom to fire his Attorney General, whom CICIG accused of impeding justice. Though Colom found Castresana “very demanding,” according to a U.S. diplomatic cable obtained by Wikileaks, he granted the request.

　　在CICIG的憲章里，卡斯特雷薩納抓住了一條規(guī)則，這條規(guī)則允許該組織請求當?shù)卣畱吞幍赖聹S喪的官員。借助這一程序，他的團隊著手清除了1500多名腐敗警官，包括50名警局長官和國家警察部隊的副司令。CICIG還把十來個重要檢察官“請”離了崗位，把一名危地馬拉城的地方法官放逐到窮鄉(xiāng)僻壤。“我的團隊叫我別這么做——這會讓所有司法人員都與我們對立。”卡斯特雷薩納回憶道。“我說，‘不，所有司法人員已經在與我們作對。如果法官知道他們能對CICIG說不，那就是我們的死期了。’”2008年夏，他甚至請求科羅姆總統(tǒng)罷免總檢察長，CICIG控告其妨礙司法公正。盡管科羅姆發(fā)現(xiàn)卡斯特雷薩納“異常苛刻”（據(jù)一份維基泄密獲得的美國外交電報稱），他還是準予了這項請求。

Part prosecutor, part politician, part lobbyist, Castresana also pushed through Congress several laws strengthening the judicial system. They included establishing a viable witness-protection program, setting up a framework for legal wiretapping, and making it possible for prosecutors to arrange plea bargains for suspects who provide evidence against a criminal network.

　　卡斯特雷薩納既當檢察官，又當政治家，還當游說者，他促成國會出臺了若干法律來加強司法體系建設。這包括建立可實施的證人保護程序，設立合法竊聽的法律框架，以及允許檢察官與提供反犯罪網絡證據(jù)的嫌犯進行訴訟交易。

A former deputy minister told me that Castresana had become like General Douglas MacArthur in Japan, after the Second World War. A columnist later said that Castresana was treated as “the voice of God.” Nevertheless, CICIG had been fully operational for barely a year when Rosenberg was killed, and the case threatened some of the country’s most untouchable figures. A newspaper columnist observed, “The odds that the investigation will be successful . . . are slim to none. Like the Battle of Waterloo, where Napoleon was defeated, Castresana faces the prospect, in Guatemala, of the first great failure of his international career.”

　　一位前任副部長對我說，卡斯特雷薩納如同二戰(zhàn)后居于日本的麥克阿瑟將軍。一位專欄作家后來說，卡斯特雷薩納被看作“上帝之聲”。不管怎樣，羅森博格被害時，CICIG完全運轉僅有一年，而這件案子威脅到該國一些最不可觸動的人物。一位報紙專欄作家評論道，“調查成功的幾率……微乎其微。猶如拿破侖鎩羽而歸的滑鐵盧之戰(zhàn)，卡斯特雷薩納在危地馬拉很可能會遭遇他國際事業(yè)上第一次慘重失敗。”

Castresana told a reporter that the Rosenberg case was “l(fā)ike a John Grisham novel, but it’s real.” Before formally launching an investigation, he went to visit President Colom. With his security detail, Castresana passed by the protesters in the Central Plaza, and slipped through a side entrance into the palace. Despite its grandeur, the building had a ghostly quality, with its dark, musty rooms, creaking doors, and gossamer curtains that fluttered aimlessly. Castresana found Colom in his office, his bony wrists and neck poking out of his suit.

　　卡斯特雷薩納對一名記者說，羅森博格案像“一本約翰·格里沙姆（John Grisham）的小說，但這是真實的。”在正式開展調查之前，他前去拜訪了科羅姆總統(tǒng)。在保鏢簇擁下，卡斯特雷薩納穿過中心廣場的抗議人群，從國宮側門悄然而入。這幢建筑除了富麗堂皇以外，還有如鬼域，黑暗陳腐的居室，嘎吱作響的房門，薄紗窗簾漫無方向地飄動。卡斯特雷薩納在科羅姆辦公室發(fā)現(xiàn)了他，只見他瘦削的手腕和脖子從衣服里伸了出來。

Castresana told the President, “To take the case, I need complete independence.” Colom, who spoke so softly that Castresana had to lean forward to hear him, promised not to interfere. But Castresana could not know if he was sincere or if the First Lady, Sandra de Colom, would abide by the President’s wishes. In the palace, the First Lady was nicknamed “the bulldozer,” for the way that she flattened aides and even the President. A leading human-rights official told the St. Petersburg Times that Sandra de Colom was considered “malignant and malevolent,” and “the head of a parallel power.” (To circumvent the Constitution, which bars the relatives of a President from succeeding him, the Coloms recently filed for divorce, in the hope that she can run in an election, in September.)

　　卡斯特雷薩納對總統(tǒng)說，“接這件案子，我需要絕對的獨立。”科羅姆說話很是輕柔，卡斯特雷薩納不得不傾著身子來聽，科羅姆承諾不會干預調查。但卡斯特雷薩納不知道這是不是真話，也不知道第一夫人桑德拉·科羅姆是否也會遵守總統(tǒng)的命令。在國宮內，第一夫人綽號“推土機”，這緣于他擺布助手乃至總統(tǒng)的方式。一位首席人權官員告知《圣彼得堡時報》，人們認為桑德拉·科羅姆是“邪惡而狠毒的”，而且是“另一并行國度的首腦”。（危地馬拉憲法不許總統(tǒng)親屬繼任總統(tǒng)，為了設法規(guī)避這項限制，科羅姆夫婦近期申請離婚，希望這樣她能參加9月份的大選。）

That same day, Castresana met with Rosenberg’s son Eduardo. He looked like a younger, more dashing version of his father. He had graduated first in his class from law school, and since the killings he had become a partner at Rosenberg’s law firm, moving into his father’s old office. Castresana vowed to him, “I give you my word that, if we have to, we will bring down the President and impeach him.”

　　同一天，卡斯特雷薩納會見了羅森博格的兒子愛德華多。他就是其父親更年輕更具活力的翻版。他以班上頭名從法律學校畢業(yè)，兇案發(fā)生后，他已經成為羅森博格法律事務所的合伙人，并搬進了他父親原來的辦公室。卡斯特雷薩納向他發(fā)誓，“我答應你，若有必要，我們會扳倒總統(tǒng)，我們會彈劾他。”

Back at his office at CICIG, Castresana gathered a dozen or so of his top investigators. He suspected that there was at least one mole inside CICIG, and worried about leaks; his office was swept each morning and night for bugs, and he used a white-noise machine when discussing delicate matters. He told his agents, “This is the most important case of this commission.”

　　回到CICIG的辦公室，卡斯特雷薩納召集了手下十余名頂級調查員。他懷疑CICIG內部至少有一名間諜，也擔心泄密；因而他辦公室每天早上和晚上都會清查竊聽器，在討論敏感問題時還會使用白噪音機器。他對手下密探說，“這是我們委員會最重要的案子。”

A linguistic expert from the National Institute of Forensic Sciences, in Guatemala City, was asked to authenticate the Rosenberg video, analyzing every sound and slur. In a report, the expert said that she could not determine whether Rosenberg had made the video under external pressure (as President Colom had suggested). But the expert concluded that Rosenberg appeared “sincere” and “rational.”

　　他要求危地馬拉城司法鑒定科學研究所的一位語言專家驗證羅森博格錄像的真?zhèn)危治雒恳宦曇羝巍Ｔ谝环輬蟾胬铮瑢＜冶硎荆裏o法確定羅森博格是否在外界壓力下錄制了這段錄像（像總統(tǒng)科羅姆暗示的那樣）。但該專家下結論說，羅森博格的表現(xiàn)“既真實又合理”。

A team of CICIG agents scoured the Rosenberg crime scene for clues. Curiously, Rosenberg’s body had fallen backward, onto the curb, and his bicycle had fallen away from him, onto the road. Near the body, in the dirt beside the road, was a series of deep gashes; they appeared to have been made by the tires of a car.

　　一組CICIG密探仔細搜索了羅森博格的犯罪現(xiàn)場，找到了一些線索。令人不解的是，羅森博格的尸體是向后倒的，倒向路邊，而他的自行車則倒向另一邊，倒向路中。在尸體旁，路邊的泥地上，有一串深深的裂縫，像是汽車輪胎所軋。

One day, while CICIG agents were canvassing the neighborhood, they detected an unmarked vehicle following their car; a passenger was taking photographs of them. Weeks later, agents were meeting with a potential witness, in the lobby of a hotel outside Guatemala City, when swarms of police officers suddenly descended, trying to seize the witness. Fearing that the witness might be tortured and “disappeared,” CICIG agents fled with him into one of the hotel’s rooms. As they prepared for a gun battle, a CICIG agent shouted to the police, “You will have to kill us all!” Meanwhile, Castresana phoned the head of the national police and Vice-President Espada, commanding them to order the police to back off. The police eventually withdrew, and CICIG was able to process the witness. After all that, the man had no reliable information—but somebody had clearly been terrified that he did.

　　一天，當CICIG密探詳細調查周圍社區(qū)時，他們發(fā)現(xiàn)有一輛沒有標志的車子尾隨他們的汽車；車上一名乘客正對他們拍照。幾周之后，在危地馬拉城一家賓館的大廳里，密探正會見一位潛在證人，這時大批警察突然降臨，試圖逮捕這名證人。由于害怕證人遭到拷問乃至“失蹤”，CICIG密探與他一同逃進賓館一間房子里。他們準備進行一場槍戰(zhàn)，一名CICIG密探向警察大喊，“除非你們把我們全殺了！”與此同時，卡斯特雷薩納致電國家警察部隊司令和副總統(tǒng)埃斯帕達，命令他們要警察退出。警察最終撤退了，CICIG才得以傳喚這名證人。盡管這人并沒有可靠情報，但有人顯然對他的行為感到懼怕。

Castresana and his team, still lacking a key witness, confiscated all the relevant security tapes from buildings near the crime scene. Images caught on multiple cameras revealed that the moment Rosenberg left on his bicycle, at 8:05 A.M., a coffin-black sports car with tinted windows and a racing spoiler began shadowing him. The fact that the hit men were in position from the start of the bicycle ride—an activity that was not a regular part of Rosenberg’s Sunday routine—suggested that a person with inside knowledge had tipped them off. The vehicle’s license plate was not visible, but the car was a Mazda 6, and there were only fifty such models registered in Guatemala. And the one at the crime scene, digital enhancements revealed, had, in addition to the spoiler, distinctive red-rimmed tires and a sticker on the lid of the gas tank. After an intensive three-week search, investigators identified the car as belonging to a thirty-three-year-old man named Willian Gilberto Santos Divas, who lived outside Guatemala City. Records showed that, on the morning Rosenberg was killed, Santos’s cell phone was making and receiving a flurry of calls—all in the area of the shooting. “He was there,” Castresana said.

　　卡斯特雷薩納與他的團隊仍然缺少一名關鍵證人，他們從犯罪現(xiàn)場附近建筑里調用了所有相關的監(jiān)控錄像。多個攝像頭捕捉的圖像顯示，羅森博格騎自行車出門的時間是上午8:05，一輛帶棕色車窗和賽車尾翼的黑色跑車開始跟蹤他。事實表明，殺手從羅森博格出發(fā)就已在待命了，而騎車這項活動并非羅森博格周日的常規(guī)行程，這意味著有知曉內情的人通風報信。汽車的牌照看不見，但車子是馬自達6，危地馬拉僅有50輛這種型號的車子注冊在案。對數(shù)字圖像進行增強后發(fā)現(xiàn)，現(xiàn)場的那一輛除了有尾翼之外，還有獨特的紅邊輪胎和郵箱蓋上的標簽。經過三周細致徹底的排查，調查員證實這輛車屬于33歲男子威廉·吉爾伯托·桑托斯·迪瓦斯（Willian Gilberto Santos Divas），他住在危地馬拉城外。記錄顯示，羅森博格遇害那天早上，桑托斯的手機打出和接到了好些電話——所有電話都來自槍擊地區(qū)。“他就在那兒，”卡斯特雷薩納斷定。

One other detail in Santos’s file caught Castresana’s attention. Santos was a former member of the national police force. Castresana was certain that CICIG had found the first sign of a conspiracy.

　　桑托斯檔案里的其他細節(jié)也引起了卡斯特雷薩納的注意。桑托斯以前是國家警察部隊成員。卡斯特雷薩納確信CICIG已經發(fā)現(xiàn)了一場陰謀的首個標志。

In President Colom’s war room, Roberto Izurieta, the strategist, believed that he, too, had found threads of what one member of the government called a “finely woven conspiracy.” Izurieta had always thought that Colom could not be behind the murders of the Musas and Rosenberg, and that the killings had to be part of a plot to bring down the government. The idea was outlandish only to the innocent. As Don DeLillo has written, “A conspiracy is everything that ordinary life is not. It’s the inside game, cold, sure, undistracted, forever closed off to us. We are the flawed ones, the innocents, trying to make some rough sense of the daily jostle. Conspirators have a logic and a daring beyond our reach. All conspiracies are the same taut story of men who find coherence in some criminal act.” Izurieta, who had lost ten pounds since the crisis began—and who had violated his ban on caffeine, which made him, by his own admission, “electric”—thought that the conspirators were finally being pulled from the shadows of Guatemalan politics.

　　在科羅姆總統(tǒng)的作戰(zhàn)室，謀略家羅伯托·伊蘇列塔也自認找到了一名政府成員稱為“精心編織之陰謀”的線索。伊蘇列塔始終認為科羅姆不可能是穆薩父女和羅森博格謀殺案的幕后元兇，而這些謀殺一定是推翻政府的陰謀之一。只是對不明就里的人而言，這一想法是偏狹的。正如唐·德里羅（Don DeLillo）所寫，“陰謀包含了日常生活里沒有的一切事情。陰謀是內部游戲，冷酷、穩(wěn)健、不受干擾，永遠拒我們于外。我們生而不足，生而無知，孜孜以求一些日常競爭的粗略常識。而陰謀者的邏輯和膽量都是我們所不及的。陰謀無一不是緊張刺激的故事，這些陰謀者從一些犯罪行為中找到了連貫性。”自危機爆發(fā)以來，伊蘇列塔已經瘦了10磅，他違背了不用咖啡因的禁令，他自己承認，這讓他“如電擊一般”——相信最終會將陰謀者從危地馬拉政壇黑幕下拖出來。

The investigators had found, for example, someone who had admitted shooting the video of Rosenberg’s testimony. His name was Mario David García. A squat man with a crisp mustache, he was an ultra-right-wing journalist and a former Presidential candidate who was thought to have participated in multiple plots against the state. In the late eighties, the government accused him of being part of a cabal, known as the Officers of the Mountain, which orchestrated two failed coups. García understood the power of images: he had been the producer of a television show that had fanned the cabal’s rebellion. Another figure accused of orchestrating the coups was none other than Luis Mendizábal. Both men denied being part of the plots.

　　比如，調查者發(fā)現(xiàn)有人承認拍攝了羅森博格證詞錄像。此人名叫馬里奧·戴維·加西亞（Mario David Garcia），是個長著卷胡須的矮胖男子。他是一名極右翼記者，也是前總統(tǒng)候選人，他被認為參與了多項反政府密謀。1980年代末，政府指控他為陰謀集團“高山軍官”的成員，該組織策劃過兩次失敗的政變。加西亞深知圖像的力量：他曾擔任電視節(jié)目制作人，煽動過陰謀叛亂。被指控策劃這些政變的另一人物不是別人，正是路易斯·蒙迪扎巴爾。兩人均否認參與了密謀。

Izurieta wondered if it could be just a coincidence that García and Mendizábal—with their “impressive dossiers of conspiratorial services,” as one reporter put it—had been involved in the manufacturing and distribution of Rosenberg’s video. García was now the host of a political radio show, “Straight Talk,” and after Rosenberg’s death he repeatedly attacked the government, stoking the unrest. As for Mendizábal, Izurieta and other members of the government suspected that he had a vendetta against President Colom, who had hired him to be a security adviser in 2007, only to fire him. What’s more, according to CICIG Mendizábal had lost a bid for a lucrative government contract to produce national I.D. cards. Mendizábal denies having any such business interest, but Castresana told me that Mendizábal had a “motive for revenge.”

　　伊蘇列塔想知道，加西亞與蒙迪扎巴爾卷入制造和分發(fā)羅森博格錄像是否只是個巧合，如一名記者所言，他們“參與陰謀的記錄可是令人印象深刻”。加西亞目前是政治廣播節(jié)目《直話直說》的主持人，羅森博格死后，他反復攻擊政府，激起民憤。關于蒙迪扎巴爾，伊蘇列塔和政府其他成員都懷疑他與科羅姆總統(tǒng)有宿怨，總統(tǒng)曾于2007年雇他擔任安全顧問，后又解雇了他。此外，據(jù)CICIG透露，政府有一個油水頗足的項目——制作國民身份證，而蒙迪扎巴爾未能中標。蒙迪扎巴爾否認對此項生意感興趣，但卡斯特雷薩納告訴我，蒙迪扎巴爾確有“報復的動機”。

Could García and Mendizábal have manipulated and then killed Rosenberg in order to unleash his video and topple the government? After all, Mendizábal was not only a specialist in gathering information; he was also a master in the art of disinformation. In the late nineties, he had been a member of a clandestine intelligence unit called La Oficinita—The Little Office. (It was named for the space above Mendizábal’s clothing boutique.) Mendizábal insisted to me that La Oficinita helped solve kidnappings and murders. But, according to human-rights observers, government officials, and the press, its purpose was to deceive the public—using fake evidence and theatrical witnesses in order to cover up the military’s crimes.

　　莫非為了公布錄像和推翻政府，加西亞和蒙迪扎巴爾就操縱并殺害了羅森博格？畢竟，蒙迪扎巴爾不但是搜集情報的專家，也是偽造情報的大師。1990年末，他曾是秘密情報機關“小辦公室”的成員。（“小辦公室”得名于蒙迪扎巴爾服裝店樓上的房間。）蒙迪扎巴爾對我堅稱，小辦公室只幫助解決綁架和謀殺。但是，據(jù)人權觀察員、政府官員及媒體透露，該機關的目的是蒙蔽公眾——捏造假證據(jù)和假證人，以求掩蓋軍方罪行。

Izurieta knew that intelligence operators had previously deployed disinformation to topple a democratically elected government in Guatemala. In 1954, C.I.A. operatives had teamed with the new “scientists” of advertising to overthrow President Jacobo Árbenz—Guatemala’s last left-wing leader until Colom—by creating the illusion of a domestic uprising. Operatives set up a radio station, the Voice of Liberation, which was supposedly broadcast from a rebel camp “deep in the jungle” but, in fact, was transmitted from Miami and often broadcast from the U.S. Embassy in Guatemala City. The station caused national hysteria by reporting fake news of the government poisoning the water supply and of phantom troops marching on the capital. One operative referred to the scheme as “the big lie.”

　　伊蘇列塔知道，情報人員以前靠散布假情報推翻過一個危地馬拉的民選政府。1954年，CIA特工與新型宣傳“科學家”合作，通過制造國內起義的假象，推翻了總統(tǒng)賈科布·阿本茲（Jacobo Árbenz），阿本茲是科羅姆之前最后一位危地馬拉左翼領導人。特工設立了一個廣播電臺“自由之聲”，本以為該電臺廣播自“叢林深處”的叛軍軍營，但實際上是從邁阿密發(fā)射的，經常廣播自危地馬拉城內的美國大使。通過報道政府污染供水系統(tǒng)和“幽靈部隊”開進首都之類的假新聞，該廣播電臺引爆了國民情緒。一名特工將這一陰謀稱之為“彌天大謊”。

In May, 2009, Mendizábal and García, who were being pressed by the media, acknowledged their roles in producing the Rosenberg video. The Archdiocese’s Office of Human Rights, citing their histories, warned that there might be a sinister force at work. It noted that Rosenberg’s assassination had the hallmarks of “fictitious scenarios” from Guatemala’s past.

　　2009年5月，迫于媒體壓力，蒙迪扎巴爾與加西亞承認了他們在制作羅森博格錄像中所扮演的角色。總教區(qū)人權辦公室援引自家歷史告誡道，可能有一股邪惡勢力在發(fā)揮作用，并指明，暗殺羅森博格帶有危地馬拉昔日“虛構情節(jié)”的印跡。

If there was a plot to topple the government, the next question was who was the main beneficiary—and hence the prime mover behind it. One person seemed to have the most to gain. It was Colom’s longtime political rival Otto Pérez Molina—the notorious former general and head of military intelligence who, after the video was distributed, had demanded that Colom resign. Pérez Molina, who appeared on García’s radio program to denounce Colom, had previously declared that he was running again for President.

　　如果真有一場密謀要推翻政府，那么下一個問題便是最大的受益者是誰，此人亦應是隱藏其后的發(fā)動者。有一人貌似獲得的利益最多，那就是科羅姆長期的政治對手奧托·佩雷斯·莫利納，他是臭名昭著的前任將軍，軍事情報部門頭目，在錄像公布之后，曾要求科羅姆下臺。佩雷斯·莫利納還現(xiàn)身加西亞的廣播節(jié)目，對科羅姆加以譴責，之前又聲稱他會再度競選總統(tǒng)。

Scattered dots seemed to form a picture, like a constellation in the sky. Then, less than a month after Rosenberg’s death, President Colom’s Minister of the Interior, who was a confidant of the First Lady, informed Castresana that he had found what amounted to a smoking gun—a witness who would reveal the entire conspiracy.

　　如天空中的星座一樣，分散的各點看來可以串成一幅圖畫。隨后，羅森博格被害還不到一個月，科羅姆總統(tǒng)的內政部長，也是第一夫人的心腹通知卡斯特雷薩納，他已經找到了確鑿證據(jù)——一名可以揭露整場陰謀的斯特雷薩納派了一隊調查員過去。按照內政部長的建議，調查員乘坐第一夫人的直升機抵達圣路易斯（一個靠近墨西哥邊境的城鎮(zhèn)）的一個足球場，那兒證人正等著他們。據(jù)證人供述摘要（他后來提交給了報紙《El Quetzalteco》），他稱是一個叫“畢達哥拉斯”的街頭黑幫被雇傭殺害了羅森博格，價格是18萬美元。證人擔心自己會送命，說他與黑幫的殘忍頭目關系很近。“我不想再殺人，”他說。然后他拋出了一個爆炸性消息——或者以他的話說，“這將爆炸，因為政治人士卷入其中。”

The witness said that the gang received the first installment of its fee from Roxana Baldetti, a member of Congress who is running as Otto Pérez Molina’s Vice-Presidential candidate. The witness said that he had saved text messages that he had exchanged with a member of Pérez Molina’s party, who had offered him a car and money to remain silent. Castresana, speaking of the witness, recalled, “With this testimony, we could have arrested the leader of the political opposition and put him in jail.”

　　證人說，該黑幫從羅克薩納·巴爾德蒂（Roxana Baldetti）那兒收到了第一筆預付款，而巴爾德蒂是國會成員，正以莫利納的副總統(tǒng)候選人身份參選。該證人說，他保存了與莫利納黨派一名成員往來的短信，其人曾給他一輛汽車和錢，要他保守秘密。卡斯特雷薩納談及這位證人，回憶道，“有了這些證詞，我們就可以逮捕這位政治反對派領袖，并將他下獄。”

Castresana had asked President Colom’s Interior Minister to make sure that nobody from the media was at the stadium, fearing that the identities of CICIG agents might be exposed. (At one point, a clerk handling evidence in the Rosenberg case was gunned down in Guatemala City.) But a pack of reporters suddenly appeared, and the news soon broke around the country that Otto Pérez Molina and Roxana Baldetti were the alleged masterminds of Rosenberg’s murder. “PROOF DELIVERED,” the banner headline in one newspaper read.

　　卡斯特雷薩納要求科羅姆總統(tǒng)的內政部長確保沒有媒體人士在這個體育場，他擔心CICIG密探的身份暴露。（一次，一名在羅森博格案中處理證據(jù)的職員就在危地馬拉城被槍殺。）但是一群記者突然出現(xiàn)，這條新聞迅即傳遍全國，說是莫利納與巴爾德蒂被指控為羅森博格謀殺案的主謀。“證據(jù)交付”，一家報紙的頭條標題這么寫道。

But, when Castresana and members of CICIG tried to confirm elements of the witness’s story, they were stymied. They checked the security cameras in the hotel parking lot where the witness claimed that the payoff from Baldetti had taken place—nothing of the sort was on tape. Other evidence that the witness provided was fabricated. Even his name was an alias. The whole meeting was an elaborately staged act of misdirection. The witness later confessed, “I received a call from a member of the government saying, ‘I have a job for you,’ and he offered me money . . . to give false evidence.” The witness alleged that Colom’s spokesman and the First Lady were part of the scheme.

　　不過，當卡斯特雷薩納與CICIG成員試圖證實證人敘述的要素時，他們卻陷入困境。他們檢查了賓館停車場的監(jiān)控攝像頭，證人稱此處是接收巴爾德蒂付款的地方，但錄像中根本就沒有這樣的場景。證人提供的另一證據(jù)也是偽造的。甚至他的名字都是假的。整個會面就是一場精心安排的誤導破案的表演。證人后來供認，“我接到一名政府成員的電話，‘我有一項工作給你，’他給了我錢……要我做假證。”該證人稱科羅姆的發(fā)言人和第一夫人參與了這一陰謀。

The government denied the allegations. But Castresana was furious. He believed that the government was also behind the unmarked cars following his agents and the attempt to seize the potential witness at the hotel. Perhaps members of the Colom Administration were trying to cover up their crimes. Or, perhaps, after so many years of judicial disarray, they thought that, if they were being framed, the only way out was to frame someone else.

　　政府否認了這些指控。但卡斯特雷薩納憤怒不已。他相信政府也是那臺尾隨探員的無標志車的幕后主使，還是在賓館抓捕潛在證人的幕后主使。也許科羅姆政府成員試圖掩蓋罪行。又或者，在多年司法混亂之后，他們認為，如果自己遭陷害，唯一的出路就是再嫁禍他人。

Castresana sent a formal complaint to the Colom Administration, and forwarded copies to the U.N. It was only then, Castresana told me, that the government stopped meddling.

　　卡斯特雷薩納向科羅姆政府發(fā)去一封正式抗議信，并抄送給了聯(lián)合國。直到那時，卡斯特雷薩納對我說，政府才停止干涉。

“Botar un palo grande,” the voice said. “Knock over a big stick.”

　　“扔大棒，”那個聲音說。“用大棒打。”

A Chilean agent of CICIG was sitting in a small, stuffy room, nearly three months after Rosenberg’s death, eavesdropping on Willian Santos, the owner of the black Mazda. The Rosenberg case marked the first time in the history of Guatemala that wiretapping was being conducted by a legal entity, rather than by secret military intelligence or some other unauthorized body.

　　羅森博格被害將近三個月之后，CICIG的一名智利籍密探正坐在一間小而密閉的房間里，竊聽黑色馬自達的車主威廉·桑托斯。羅森博格案在危地馬拉歷史上開了先河，執(zhí)法部門首度可使用竊聽工具，而不是秘密的軍方情報部門或其他一些未授權組織使用。

For weeks, CICIG had been monitoring Santos’s conversations and tracking his movements. Castresana and his team had mapped out, with flowcharts and photographs, at least part of the criminal network to which Santos belonged. So far, investigators had identified ten members of the gang. Nearly all of them were current or former police officers; one was a veteran of the military. Their conversations confirmed that the men had become professional killers. The question was who had hired them to assassinate Rosenberg.

　　幾星期以來，CICIG一直在竊聽桑托斯的談話，并追蹤了他的活動。借助活動流程圖與照片，卡斯特雷薩納與其團隊已經至少掌握了桑托斯所屬犯罪網絡的部分情況。迄今為止，調查員已確認了這伙黑幫中十名成員的身份。他們幾乎全都是現(xiàn)任或前任警察；其中一人是軍隊老兵。根據(jù)他們的談話可以確認這些人都已是職業(yè)殺手。問題在于是誰雇了他們來暗殺羅森博格。

CICIG agents had intercepted more than ten thousand of the gang’s fugitive conversations. But, even in an age of listening devices and satellite surveillance and Wayback Machines, much of history remains beyond confirmation, out of earshot, buried with the corpses. One of the leaders of the gang was recorded saying that he wanted to hear “zero comments” about the Rosenberg “job,” because there were extremely powerful people who didn’t want anyone “running off their mouths.”

　　CICIG探員截獲了這伙人一萬次以上的短暫對話。但是，即使是在擁有監(jiān)聽設備、衛(wèi)星監(jiān)控和網站時光倒流機的時代，許多歷史仍然難以確定，打探不到，死無對證。對話記錄里，一名黑幫頭目說，關于羅森博格“任務”，他要求“絕口不提”，因為有權勢熏天的人不想任何人“走漏風聲”。

As the Chilean agent listened to Santos, she wondered what he had meant by “knock over a big stick.” The gang had developed its own coded language: “greens” meant money; “to lift” was to kidnap a person; and “shooting up a car” was an assassination. The more the Chilean agent listened to the conversation, the more she realized that to knock over a big stick was to kill someone important.

　　這名智利密探聽到桑托斯的話時，她想弄明白他說的“用大棒打”是什么意思。這個黑幫有自己的黑話：“青菜”表示錢；“提”表示綁架人；而“射車”表示暗殺。智利密探對這次對話聽得越多，她越加意識到“用大棒打”就是要殺某個重要人物。

Though Castresana was careful not to blow CICIG’s undercover operation, he interceded repeatedly to foil the gang’s plans. When he learned that the gang was about to rob a bank, he made sure that extra police were stationed out in front, and he tipped off a Korean businessman after discovering that the gang had plans to “l(fā)ift” him. By September, the gang had begun to suspect it had a mole. As a hit man said on the wire, someone was “l(fā)etting out the soup.” The leaders assumed that the culprit was the military veteran, since he didn’t come from their group of policemen.

　　雖然卡斯特雷薩納小心翼翼不讓CICIG的秘密行動暴露，他還是不斷插手以挫敗該黑幫的計劃。當他獲悉這伙人要搶銀行時，就確保其他警力預先派駐加以防范，在發(fā)現(xiàn)這伙人計劃“提”一名韓國商人時，他事先向該商人示警。到了9月，這伙人開始懷疑出了內奸。如一名殺手在電話中所說，有人“泄露了計劃。”頭目以為內奸是那個老兵，因為他不是警察出身。

On September 8th, CICIG picked up another conversation between two gang leaders. “We have a problem,” one of them said of the military veteran. “He’s going around talking about Rosenberg.” There was a long silence. “I’m not going to freak out but I want to cut that son of a bitch down already.” The man explained that he was just waiting for “the green light.”

　　9月8日，CICIG截獲了黑幫兩個頭目之間的另一談話。“我們有麻煩了，”其中一人提及了老兵。“他到處談論羅森博格。”之后是長久的沉默。“這嚇不了我，不過我想把那個狗娘養(yǎng)的斬草除根。”那人解釋說他只是在等待“綠燈放行”。

Castresana felt that he could no longer wait. At dawn on September 11th, four months after Rosenberg was assassinated, three hundred CICIG agents, prosecutors, police, and soldiers swept into more than a dozen locations across Guatemala, apprehending the ten suspected hit men. By inspecting call logs from the suspects’ seized cell phones, CICIG identified an intermediary who had been in contact with the gang on the day of Rosenberg’s assassination. The intermediary, a man named Jesús Manuel Cardona Medina, was brought in for questioning. As Castresana knew, every secret is embedded with the possibility of betrayal, and after sustained interrogation Cardona Medina turned on his co-conspirators, coöperating with CICIG in exchange for a reduced sentence and placement in Guatemala’s witness-protection program. Two other gang members also flipped.

　　卡斯特雷薩納感覺他不能再等待下去了。9月11日拂曉，羅森博格遭暗殺4個月之后，300名CICIG密探、檢察官、警察和士兵掃蕩了遍及危地馬拉的十二個地點，逮捕了十名殺人嫌犯。通過檢查所查獲嫌犯手機的通話記錄，CICIG確認了一名中間人的身份，他曾在羅森博格被暗殺那天與這伙人聯(lián)絡過。這名中間人是一個叫杰西·曼紐埃·卡多納·梅迪納（Jesús Manuel Cardona Medina）的男子，他被逮捕訊問。卡斯特雷薩納知道，每個秘密都嵌入了背叛的可能，經受審問之后，卡多納·梅迪納供出了他的同謀，他愿意與CICIG合作以減免刑期，并置于危地馬拉的證人保護程序之下。其他兩名黑幫成員也交待了。

According to the hit men, the gang had been hired by Francisco and Estuardo Valdés Paiz, two brothers who owned one of Guatemala’s largest pharmaceutical companies. Surprisingly, the brothers were related to Rosenberg—they were cousins of his first wife. The Valdés Paiz brothers had contacted the gang and agreed to pay forty thousand dollars for the hit. The target was described to the hit men simply as an “extortionist,” and Cardona Medina was given a cell phone for communicating with a mysterious inside man, who provided minute details about what the extortionist looked like. The inside man also indicated the ideal place to shoot Rosenberg, which is why there were tire marks at the scene of the crime: the previous night, the hit men had marked the spot.

　　據(jù)殺手供認，雇傭這個黑幫的是弗朗西斯科（Francisco）和伊斯特多·瓦爾德斯·派茲（Estuardo Valdés Paiz）兩兄弟，他們擁有危地馬拉最大的制藥公司之一。令人驚訝的是，兩兄弟與羅森博格不無關系——他們是他發(fā)妻的表親。瓦爾德斯·派茲兄弟與該黑幫聯(lián)系，同意為殺人支付4萬美元。給殺手描述的襲擊目標只是一名“敲詐勒索者”，而卡多納·梅迪納的手機是別人給的，用來與一名神秘的中間人通信，該中間人提供了敲詐勒索者長相的詳盡細節(jié)，還指明了射殺羅森博格的理想地點，這就是犯罪現(xiàn)場留有輪胎印的原因：前一個晚上，殺手先踩好了點。

A hidden design was finally emerging. But why would the Valdés Paiz brothers—who, by all accounts, loved Rosenberg—want him dead? What did their actions have to do with Rosenberg’s video and his allegations? And who was the inside man? Susanne Jonas, a scholar who spent years studying the country, once wrote, “Guatemala mocks me: ‘Just as you think you understand, we’ll show you that you understand nothing at all.’ ”

　　一個隱藏的計劃終于浮出水面。但是，為何瓦爾德斯·派茲兄弟會要羅森博格死？眾人皆說，他們喜歡他。他們的行為與羅森博格的錄像及其指控有何關聯(lián)？還有，誰是那名中間人？蘇珊妮·喬納斯（Susanne Jonas）是一位研究該國數(shù)年的學者，她寫道，“危地馬拉嘲弄著我：‘就在你以為什么都一清二楚時，我們會告訴你，你其實一無所知。’”

In addition to investigating the hit men, Castresana and his team reconstructed Rosenberg’s final months as best they could, trying to pinpoint who might want him dead. As CICIG agents were exploring the question of motive, the investigation took, as Castresana put it, a series of “stupefying turns.”

　　除了調查殺手之外，卡斯特雷薩納與其團隊還竭盡所能重構了羅森博格人生的最后幾個月，嘗試找出要他死的那個人。當CICIG密探在研究動機問題時，按卡斯特雷薩納的話說，調查員取得了一系列“讓人瞠目結舌的轉折”。

Investigators had obtained from Mendizábal the telephone number from which Rosenberg had reported receiving threats. Phone records confirmed that Rosenberg had answered a series of calls from this number. The calls, which originated from a cell phone, began on May 5th and ended on May 10th, the day Rosenberg was killed. During that period, the calls were made almost every day and were usually relatively short—just enough time, it seemed, to convey a threat.

　　從蒙迪扎巴爾那兒，調查員獲得了羅森博格報告接到威脅的電話號碼。通話記錄確認羅森博格接到了該號碼的一系列電話。這些電話來自一部手機，起于5月5日，止于5月10日羅森博格被害那天。在此期間，電話幾乎每天都打，通常很短，看去將將夠傳達一個威脅。

Records also indicated that this cell phone had communicated with only one other telephone—the one that Cardona Medina had reported receiving from the Valdés Paiz brothers. And so whoever had made the threats to Rosenberg appeared to be the same mysterious inside man who had given instructions to the killers. The inside man had communicated with Cardona Medina for the last time at 8 A.M. on May 10th—to alert the executioners that Rosenberg was on his way.

　　通話記錄還顯示，該手機僅與一部別的電話聯(lián)系過，就是卡多納·梅迪納所報告的接受自瓦爾德斯·派茲兄弟的那部電話。因此，向羅森博格發(fā)出威脅的人看來就是那個給殺手發(fā)指令的神秘中間人。該中間人與卡多納·梅迪納最后通信時間是5月10日早上8點——通知劊子手，羅森博格上路了。

Castresana and his colleagues tried to trace the cell phone to its owner. It had been bought with cash, in order to insure anonymity. But a sales-tax form for the phone contained a faded signature—that of Rosenberg’s driver. Castresana believed that they had found the inside man.

　　卡斯特雷薩納與其同事試著追蹤這部手機的機主。手機是用現(xiàn)金購買的，這樣可以保證匿名。但這部電話的營業(yè)稅單上有一個褪色的簽名——是羅森博格司機的。卡斯特雷薩納相信他們已經找到了這名中間人。

Investigators brought the driver in for questioning. He did not deny that he had purchased the phone, but he swore that Rosenberg had instructed him to buy it, along with another cell phone. The driver said that he was told to pay in cash and not to identify himself in paperwork; he had accidently put his name on the sales-tax form.

　　調查員將司機帶來審訊。他不否認購買了這部手機，但他發(fā)誓是羅森博格要他購買的，同時還買了另一部手機。司機說，羅森博格要他用現(xiàn)金付賬，并在文書上不要透露自己的身份；他是不小心將名字留在了營業(yè)稅單上的。

Castresana suspected that the driver was lying. But Rosenberg’s secretary at the law firm confirmed that on the day the driver bought the phones he had turned in a receipt for reimbursement. If he was a conspirator, it seemed inconceivable that he would have done so.

　　卡斯特雷薩納懷疑司機在說謊。但羅森博格法律事務所的秘書確認那天司機買了手機，并提交了一張報賬的收條。如果司機是同謀，那他這么做似乎不可思議。

The driver said that Rosenberg had kept one of the phones, and had instructed him to deliver the second one to Francisco Valdés Paiz. Records showed that this cell phone was the same one that Cardona Medina had received. Suddenly, the disparate lines of the investigation were converging toward one conclusion: Rosenberg had purchased the phones used by his own killers. CICIG investigators then made an even more startling discovery. Telecommunications experts determined that the purportedly threatening phone calls had all originated from one place: inside Rosenberg’s own apartment. Castresana thought, Rosenberg had been making threats to himself.

　　司機說，羅森博格保留了一部手機，并命他將另一部交給弗朗西斯科·瓦爾德斯·派茲，記錄顯示該手機正是卡多納·梅迪納收到的那部。突然之間，不同調查路徑都匯聚成同一個結論：殺害羅森博格的殺手所使用的手機，正是羅森博格自己購買的。CICIG調查員隨后有更為驚人的發(fā)現(xiàn)。通信專家確定，據(jù)稱發(fā)出威脅的電話都出自同一個地方：羅森博格自家公寓內。卡斯特雷薩納認為，是羅森博格向自己發(fā)出了威脅。

Any lingering doubts about who was behind the killing dissolved once Castresana and his team discovered that Rosenberg, just before his death, had issued a check for forty thousand dollars—the amount owed to the hit men—and had asked his secretary to deliver it to the Valdés Paiz brothers. Rosenberg had drawn the money from the Panamanian account of a client, in order to conceal his hand in the scheme. As inconceivable as it seemed, Castresana and his team were now certain that Rosenberg—not the President, not the First Lady, not Gustavo Alejos, or anyone else—was the author of his own assassination.

　　卡斯特雷薩納及其團隊發(fā)現(xiàn)，就在死前，羅森博格開出了四萬美元的支票——正是給殺手的數(shù)額——并命他的秘書交給瓦爾德斯·派茲兄弟，由此，關于幕后主使的所有懸而未解的疑問便全都迎刃而解了。羅森博格從一位客戶的巴拿馬賬戶取了這筆錢，為的是掩蓋他參與了策劃。似乎難以置信，卡斯特雷薩納及其團隊現(xiàn)在確認羅森博格——不是總統(tǒng)，不是第一夫人，也不是古斯塔沃·阿萊霍斯或其他人——才是他自己謀殺案的幕后主使。
卡斯特雷薩納相信，要是司機沒簽那張營業(yè)稅單，羅森博格會成功實施“這一完美的犯罪”，他的秘密計劃將永遠湮沒于歷史長河。不過，感謝那個錯誤，CICIG解開了余下之謎。卡斯特雷薩納及其密探確定，羅森博格在瓦爾德斯·派茲兄弟幫助下找到了一幫殺手。羅森博格對兩兄弟只說了襲擊目標是一個敲詐和威脅他的人。卡多納·梅迪納作證，他去收取暗殺酬勞的時候，弗朗西斯科·瓦爾德斯·派茲才得知真相，他憂心如焚，聲嘶力竭地喊道，殺手剛殺的是他表親。

Rosenberg had been careful in planting false clues that would confound investigators. Not only had he repeatedly called his own home number from the cell phone, creating the appearance of continuous threats; he had also called the hit men on the morning of his death, informing them that the target was leaving his house. This explained why a man purportedly threatened with death had ventured out alone, on a bicycle, in one of the most murderous cities in the world. It also explained why the inside man had known exactly where the target would be—the day before the shooting. And it explained why Rosenberg’s bicycle and his body were found in such peculiar positions at the crime scene: as the hit man who pulled the trigger confessed, Rosenberg had got off his bicycle at the designated spot and was sitting on the curb, waiting for his assassin, when the hit man shot him three times in the head, once in the neck, and once in the chest. Castresana says of Rosenberg, “He set himself off like a suicide bomber.”

　　羅森博格細致周密地布置了假線索來擾亂調查員。他不僅反復用那部手機撥打自家電話，制造威脅接二連三的假象；還在死的那天早上撥打了殺手的電話，通知他們目標正要離家。這就解釋了為什么一個不斷遭到死亡威脅的人還要冒險單獨出行，騎著自行車在全球謀殺率最高的城市之一轉悠。也解釋了為什么中間人確切地知道槍擊前一天目標會在哪。還解釋了為什么在犯罪現(xiàn)場發(fā)現(xiàn)羅森博格的自行車和他的尸體處于如此奇怪的位置：開槍的殺手供認，羅森博格在指定地點下了車，坐在路緣等候殺手，殺手對著他的頭開了三槍，脖子開了一槍，胸部開了一槍。卡斯特雷薩納評說羅森博格，“他就像一顆自殺炸彈，引爆了自己。”

As Castresana looked deeper into Rosenberg’s life, he began to see a tormented soul—“someone like Raskolnikov.” After the death of the woman he loved, Rosenberg wrote to a friend that he felt as if he were “disintegrating, little by little.” He initially tried to do what he had always done: find justice through the law. Based on the intelligence he had gathered—primarily from the legendary spy Mendizábal but also from other sources—he was convinced that the government had killed Marjorie and her father. But, as a lawyer, Rosenberg knew that this intelligence was not strong enough to stand up in court. And Mendizábal warned Rosenberg that it would be futile to fight the President, the First Lady, and Alejos. In a country where crimes were virtually never punished, Castresana says, Rosenberg felt powerless. In a meeting at his law firm, Rosenberg complained, “There is no justice in Guatemala.” And so, Castresana theorized, Rosenberg had set his plot in motion.

　　當卡斯特雷薩納更深地探究羅森博格的人生，他漸漸看到了一個痛苦的靈魂——“拉斯柯爾尼科夫式的人物”。【譯注：拉斯柯爾尼科夫是陀思妥耶夫斯基的小說《罪與罰》中的主人公，是一個典型的具有雙重人格的人物。】在自己深愛的女人過世之后，羅森博格在給一位好友的信中寫道，他感覺自己“一點一點地，分崩離析。”他起初嘗試做他總在做的：通過法律尋求公正。基于所搜集的情報——主要來自傳奇間諜蒙迪扎巴爾，也有其他來源——他確信政府謀殺了馬約莉及其父親。但是，身為律師，羅森博格知道對抗總統(tǒng)、第一夫人和阿萊霍斯可謂希望渺茫。卡斯特雷薩納說，在一個犯罪幾乎永不受罰的國家，羅森博格感到力不從心。在法律事務所的一次會議上，羅森博格抱怨，“在危地馬拉毫無公正可言。”于是乎，卡斯特雷薩納推論，羅森博格開始著手實施他的計劃。

In hindsight, Rosenberg’s actions in his final days made it evident that he was not trying to evade death but, rather, was preparing for it. He had his will drawn up; he bought two adjoining plots in a cemetery, one for himself and one for Marjorie; he gave away family heirlooms. He had then constructed a counterfeit reality, believing, however perversely, that it was the only way that the guilty parties would ever go to jail. And he employed the very methods—hit men, misdirection, stagecraft—that, in the past, had been the province of corrupt states and intelligence outfits. Rodrigo Rosenberg had democratized the art of political murder.

　　事后來看，羅森博格的行動在最后幾天已經跡象顯然，他無意逃避死亡，而是等著它來。他擬定了一紙遺囑；他在墓地購買了兩塊毗鄰的土地，一塊給他自己，一塊給馬約莉；他送出了家族的傳家寶。隨后，他開始構造一場“虛偽的現(xiàn)實”，他自認為，不過是固執(zhí)地自認為，這是將這個罪惡團伙送入監(jiān)獄的唯一辦法。而且，他采用了恰到好處的方法——殺手、錯誤指示、表演才能——這些在過去可是腐敗政府和情報機關的拿手好戲。羅德里戈·羅森博格大眾化了政治謀殺術。

After solving the mystery of Rosenberg’s assassination, Castresana was overcome with panic, instead of relief. He thought that the plot was so incredible—perhaps the most bizarre in the annals of political conspiracy—that everyone would think that he was weaving yet another fraudulent narrative, in order to protect the government. For days, he could not sleep, and paced endlessly around the compound. “It will be my professional grave,” he muttered to himself. “But we cannot change the reality.”

　　解開了羅森博格被害之謎，卡斯特雷薩納并未如釋重負，相反，他卻是滿心恐慌。他認為這個陰謀實在難以置信，也許是政治陰謀史上最異乎尋常的一個，人人都會以為他在編織又一個騙人的故事，為的是保護政府。好幾天里，他夜不能寐，圍著院子不停踱步。“它會是我的職業(yè)墳墓，”他喃喃自語道。“但我們無法改變現(xiàn)實。”

In December, CICIG issued arrest warrants for the Valdés Paiz brothers. They went into hiding, and were not apprehended for several months. The ten members of the hit squad were eventually convicted. The Valdés Paiz brothers initially acknowledged their involvement in the plot, according to authorities, but they now maintain their innocence. Their case is still pending.

　　12月，CICIG向瓦爾德斯·派茲兄弟發(fā)出了逮捕令。他們全躲藏起來了，幾個月之后才抓到人。暗殺小組的十人最終被宣判有罪。據(jù)當局透露，瓦爾德斯·派茲兄弟起先承認他們卷入了密謀，但現(xiàn)在卻堅稱自己是無辜的。他們的案子依然懸而未決。

Castresana prepared to share his findings in a televised national address on January 12, 2010. The day before the broadcast, he met with Rosenberg’s son Eduardo. Many members of Rosenberg’s family could not accept what had happened: the truth, for all its power, is merciless. But Eduardo seemed ready to confront reality. He later told me that he had been forced to face “a lot of dark truths.” In the meeting with Castresana, he made one request: if Castresana believed that his father had been trying, even if mistakenly, to help his country, then he should say so at the press conference.

　　2010年1月12日，卡斯特雷薩納準備在一次全國電視講話中分享他的發(fā)現(xiàn)。播出的前一天，他會見了羅森博格的兒子愛德華多。羅森博格家族的許多成員都無法接受所發(fā)生的一切：事實，歸根結底，是殘酷無情的。但愛德華多似乎做好了直面現(xiàn)實的準備。他后來對我說，他過去被強迫面對了“太多黑暗事實”。在與卡斯特雷薩納的會面中，他提出了一個請求：如果卡斯特雷薩納相信他的父親曾經嘗試（即算是采取了錯誤的方式）幫助他的國家，那么就該在記者招待會上說出來。

During his address, Castresana, to the surprise of many viewers, said of Rosenberg, “He was an honorable person.” He added, “He wanted to open up a Pandora’s box that would change the country.”

　　講話當中，出乎許多觀眾的意料，卡斯特雷薩納如是評價羅森博格，“他是個值得尊敬的人。”又補充道，“他想打開能改變這個國家的潘多拉盒子。”

In the palace, President Colom, the First Lady, Gustavo Alejos, and Roberto Izurieta watched the address on television. Just before the broadcast, Izurieta met with Colom to prepare an official response. Izurieta asked the President, “So who did it?”

　　在國宮，科羅姆總統(tǒng)、第一夫人、古斯塔沃·阿萊霍斯和羅伯托·伊蘇列塔從電視上觀看了此次講話。即將播放之際，伊蘇列塔會晤了科羅姆，以起草一份官方回應。伊蘇列塔詢問總統(tǒng)，“那么，是誰干的？”

Colom said, “You’re not going to believe it, but I don’t know.”

　　科羅姆說，“你可能不會相信，不過我確實一無所知。”

As Castresana built toward his shocking conclusions—which he described as “the truth, the whole truth, and nothing but the truth”—the President held hands with the First Lady. Alejos, who told me that the investigation had “cleared my name for my family and my children,” began to cry. Izurieta whispered to himself, “Oh, my God.”

　　卡斯特雷薩納開始講到那令人震驚的結論，他將其描述為“事實，全部事實，唯有事實”，此刻，總統(tǒng)與第一夫人手拉著手。阿萊霍斯開始哭泣，后來他對我說，這次調查“洗清了我在家族和孩子面前的名聲。”伊蘇列塔低聲自語，“哦，我的天！”

Though President Colom and others who had been in the war room trusted Castresana’s conclusion that Rosenberg had plotted his own death, many of them still privately believed that there remained another shrouded part of the story—a conspiracy within a conspiracy. They felt that Rosenberg alone could not have pulled off such an intricate deception, and that he must have been abetted by García, the talk-show host, and Mendizábal, the spy, both of whom had reasons for wanting to bring down the government.

　　盡管科羅姆總統(tǒng)和作戰(zhàn)室內的其他人都相信卡斯特雷薩納的結論——羅森博格“導演”了自己的死，但他們中的許多人私下里仍然認為這個故事還有另外被掩蓋的部分——陰謀中的陰謀。他們覺得羅森博格獨自設想不出如此錯綜復雜的詭計，他肯定受到了脫口秀主持人加西亞和間諜蒙迪扎巴爾的唆使，這兩人可都有想要推翻政府的理由。

Castresana told me he believed that García and Mendizábal had tried to exploit the mysterious circumstances of Rosenberg’s death. “I don’t know if they were aware of the intention of Rosenberg” to kill himself, he said. “But they were preparing some kind of coup.” CICIG’s investigation eventually found a witness who said that García had met with Rosenberg, and encouraged him in his plans to commit suicide and release the video, saying, “Do it for your country.” Castresana told me that García likely helped “induce” Rosenberg’s suicidal act.

　　卡斯特雷薩納對我說，他認為加西亞和蒙迪扎巴爾試圖利用羅森博格之死的神秘氣氛。“我不知道他們是否知曉羅森博格殺死自己的意圖，”他說。“但是，他們在準備發(fā)動一場政變。”CICIG的調查最終發(fā)現(xiàn)了一名證人，該證人說加西亞會見過羅森博格，并慫恿他實施自殺和公布錄像的計劃，話是這么說的，“為你的國家行動吧。”卡斯特雷薩納對我說，加西亞很可能幫助“誘導了”羅森博格的自殺行為。

The conspiracy-within-a-conspiracy may have reached the highest levels of the government. Mendizábal told me that, in the days leading up to Rosenberg’s death, he had detected, in his intelligence dossiers, growing divisions between President Colom and Vice-President Espada. “This is where I say that my reports are helping me quite a lot,” Mendizábal explained. “I’m beginning to see that the Vice-President and the President are having a lot of friction, because the Vice-President would like to be President.” A friend of Mendizábal’s told CICIG that, about a week before the assassination, he had met with the Vice-President to inform him about Rosenberg’s investigation into the Musa killings, which had the power to topple Colom’s Presidency. Mendizábal told me that the friend had asked the Vice-President, “ ‘Do you think you are in a position to take over?’ And his answer was yes.”

　　陰謀中的陰謀可能涉及政府的最高層。蒙迪扎巴爾對我說，在導致羅森博格之死的那些日子里，他從其情報檔案里，察覺出科羅姆總統(tǒng)與副總統(tǒng)埃斯帕達之間的分歧在加深。“正是在這些地方，我的報告幫了我大忙，”蒙迪扎巴爾解釋道。“我開始認識到，副總統(tǒng)與總統(tǒng)之間存在諸多分歧，因為副總統(tǒng)想當總統(tǒng)。”蒙迪扎巴爾的一位朋友告訴CICIG，大約在暗殺前一周，他會晤了副總統(tǒng)，并通告了羅森博格調查穆薩被殺案的情況，說這足以顛覆科羅姆的統(tǒng)治。蒙迪扎巴爾對我說，這個朋友曾問副總統(tǒng)，“‘你認為自己能接替總統(tǒng)嗎？’他給予了肯定的回答。”

Vice-President Espada has emphatically denied that such a meeting ever occurred, saying that he had no “direct or indirect contact” with Rosenberg or anyone close to him before the murder. García, for his part, has called allegations that he was complicit in Rosenberg’s plot “absurd, baseless, and reprehensible.” Mendizábal’s statements have been more calibrated. He told a reporter, “I was not the instigator. I did what I had to do, and I have no regrets.” He showed me the metal plate, inscribed with “ON,” that he had found by the Rosenberg crime scene. He turned it upside down, so that it said “NO.” “There are always two ways to interpret anything,” he said.

　　副總統(tǒng)埃斯帕達斷然否認有過那樣的一場會面，并稱在兇案發(fā)生之前，與羅森博格或任何與其關系密切者沒有“直接或間接的接觸”。至于加西亞，他說指控他參與羅森博格的陰謀是“荒唐可笑、毫無根據(jù)和應受譴責的。”蒙迪扎巴爾的聲明則更為明確。他對一名記者說，“我不是煽動者，我做了我必須做的，我問心無愧。”他給我出示了那塊金屬片，上面刻著“ON”字樣，這是他在羅森博格犯罪現(xiàn)場旁發(fā)現(xiàn)的。他把它倒轉過來，這樣上面刻著的變成了“NO”。“任何事情總有兩種解讀的方法，”他說。

Mendizábal had already begun to construct a counter-scenario to subvert CICIG’s theory of Rosenberg’s death. He said that Rosenberg had not set out that morning to kill himself; rather, he was attempting to collect information on who murdered the Musas—evidence that Rosenberg must have paid forty thousand dollars to obtain. When the Musas’ killers learned of his plans, he was double-crossed and killed. As Mendizábal spoke to me with conviction, taking some of the verifiable facts and rearranging them, I began to picture Rosenberg on his bicycle, innocently pedalling through the city, hoping to obtain the final piece of his puzzle. The most effective counterfeit realities are those which provide what only conspirators seem to have: a perfectly coherent plot.

　　蒙迪扎巴爾已經著手編造對立情境，以圖推翻CICIG關于羅森博格之死的理論。他說，羅森博格那天早上出去并非是要自殺，相反，他試圖搜集殺死穆薩父女兇手的情報，這份證據(jù)羅森博格必須支付4萬美元才能拿到手。殺害穆薩父女的兇手得知了他的計劃，于是他被出賣并殺害了。按照蒙迪扎巴爾對我言之鑿鑿的陳說，取出一些可驗證的事實重新安排，我開始描繪出如下一幕場景：羅森博格騎著自行車，天真地穿越這座城市，盼望取得解開他疑問的最后一環(huán)。最有效的偽造現(xiàn)實得有陰謀者才有的范兒：天衣無縫的計劃。

This time, though, the truth was more powerful than fiction. After Castresana’s meticulous presentation, the director of El Periódico, who had once written how absurd it would be to imagine that Rosenberg “immolated himself, kamikaze style,” called CICIG’s research “masterly,” and said, “I can only humbly surrender to the evidence.” U.S. Ambassador McFarland told me that the CICIG probe helped preserve “Guatemala’s stability and democracy,” and demonstrated that it was possible to “get to the bottom of things.” People beseeched Castresana, who was hailed as Guatemala’s Eliot Ness, to run for President.

　　然而，這一次，事實比杜撰更加有力。聆聽過卡斯特雷薩納縝密的闡述，那位曾寫下“臆斷羅森博格‘以神風特攻隊方式犧牲自己’是多么荒唐”的《El Periódico》主管，轉而稱贊CICIG的調查是“大師級的”，并說，“證據(jù)面前，我只有心悅誠服。”美國大使麥克法蘭德也對我說，CICIG的調查幫助維系了“危地馬拉的穩(wěn)定與民主”，并稱其有可能“讓一切水落石出”。人們盛贊卡斯特雷薩納是危地馬拉的埃利奧特·內斯（Eliot Ness）【譯注：內斯是美國影片《鐵面無私》中忠于職守的警探形象】，懇求他參加總統(tǒng)選舉。

Still, an essential part of the Rosenberg case remained a mystery: Who killed the Musas? Castresana asked for the public to be patient. After Rosenberg’s murder, CICIG had arrived on the crime scene immediately. But nearly a month had elapsed before CICIG had taken on the Musa case—an eternity in homicide investigations, especially in a country where evidence is not properly collected. “We were lost,” Castresana said.

　　不過，羅森博格案的一個關鍵部分依然是謎：誰殺害了穆薩父女？卡斯特雷薩納請求公眾多些耐心。羅森博格被害之后，CICIG立即趕到了犯罪現(xiàn)場。而CICIG接手穆薩案時，距案件發(fā)生將近過去了一個月，這對兇殺調查來說可算是段漫長時間，尤其是在一個證據(jù)難以妥善搜集的國家。“我們還破不了案，”卡斯特雷薩納如是說。

At one point, CICIG agents raided the offices of an organization connected to Banrural. As they were carting away documents and hard drives, an investigator overheard a local prosecutor on the phone, leaking what was being taken. Castresana and his agents were still moving in a sea of saboteurs.

　　有一次，CICIG密探突擊搜查了一個與農村銀行有關聯(lián)的組織的辦公室。當他們帶走文件與硬盤時，一名調查員無意中聽到了一名當?shù)貦z察官的電話，泄露了所取走的物品。卡斯特雷薩納及其密探仍舊陷身于蓄意破壞者的汪洋之中。

If CICIG concluded that the President, the First Lady, and Alejos had, in fact, killed Khalil and Marjorie Musa, then the government could collapse. Though the most prevalent view was that the government was responsible, in the absence of definitive evidence new theories multiplied. One hypothesis, which was given quiet support by Gustavo Alejos and others in the Colom Administration, was that Musa had objected to Marjorie’s getting a divorce and marrying Rosenberg, and so Rosenberg had hired hit men to kill him. After Marjorie was accidently murdered, Rosenberg had arranged his own assassination, partly out of despair and partly to cover his own tracks.

　　如果CICIG下結論說，實際是總統(tǒng)、第一夫人和阿萊霍斯殺害了穆薩和馬約莉，那么政府會垮掉。盡管最盛行的觀點說政府要為此負責，但在缺乏有力證據(jù)的條件下，新的推測日益增多。古斯塔沃·阿萊霍斯和科羅姆政府的其他人暗地支持一種猜測，說是穆薩反對馬約莉離婚嫁給羅森博格，因而羅森博格雇傭殺手殺害了他。在馬約莉意外遇害之后，羅森博格安排了自己的暗殺，半是感到絕望，半是為了掩蓋自己的罪行。

While Castresana vowed to solve the case, the entrenched forces in Guatemala launched an all-out effort to destroy CICIG. Military intelligence had once maintained a “l(fā)ove office,” devoted to exposing its enemies’ private lives. In the factory owned by the Valdés Paiz brothers, CICIG agents discovered a document that hinted at a similar attack on Castresana, asking, “Does he have a girlfriend?” Stories began to appear in the media reporting that Castresana had been having affairs with several women, including his assistant. García, who filmed the Rosenberg video, devoted his radio programs to what he called Castresana’s “double life.”

　　卡斯特雷薩納誓要破這件案子，此時，危地馬拉根深蒂固的勢力卻全力以赴要摧毀CICIG。軍方情報部門曾有一個“緋聞辦公室”，專門曝光敵人的私生活。在瓦爾德斯·派茲兄弟的公司里，CICIG密探發(fā)現(xiàn)了一份文件，暗示可對卡斯特雷薩納發(fā)起類似攻擊，文件里詢問，“他就沒有女友嗎？”媒體報道上開始涌現(xiàn)傳聞，說卡斯特雷薩納與若干女人有染，包括他的助理在內。拍攝羅森博格錄像的加西亞特意制作了一輯廣播節(jié)目，就稱為卡斯特雷薩納的“雙面生活”。

Castresana denied the affairs, and said to me, of his assistant, “There were elements in the lie that made it seem true—she was my assistant, she was a beautiful young woman, and we were close.” Other reports in the Guatemalan press suggested, falsely, that Castresana was under investigation at the U.N. for ethical misconduct. Anita Isaacs, a political scientist and an expert on Guatemala, who knows Castresana, told me that the networks traditionally relied on three ways to remove an enemy: “The first is to bribe you—but they could not bribe Castresana. The second is to kill you—but they could not kill Castresana. Finally, if all else fails, they destroy your reputation. And that is what they did to Castresana.”

　　卡斯特雷薩納否認了這些緋聞，并向我談及了他的助理，“謊言的元素看去就像真的一般——她是我的助理，也是個漂亮的年輕女人，而且我們關系密切。”危地馬拉媒體的另一篇報道錯誤地暗示，卡斯特雷薩納正因道德敗壞而接受聯(lián)合國調查。政治學家暨研究危地馬拉的專家安妮塔·伊薩克斯（Anita Isaacs）熟知卡斯特雷薩納，她告訴我，犯罪網絡慣于使用三種方法來清除異己：“一是賄賂你——但他們無法賄賂卡斯特雷薩納。二是殺了你——但他們殺不了卡斯特雷薩納。最后，若其他都不管用，那他們就會毀了你的聲譽。這正是他們對卡斯特雷薩納所做的。”

Not all public criticisms of Castresana and CICIG were part of a campaña negra. Some Guatemalans and U.N. officials thought that Castresana was too authoritarian, and that he often pursued targets unfairly in the press. Even some former CICIG agents criticized his methods.

　　并非所有關于卡斯特雷薩納和CICIG的公開批評都由“黑色運動”發(fā)起。有些危地馬拉人和聯(lián)合國官員認為卡斯特雷薩納過于獨斷專行，說他壓力之下常常采取不正當手段追捕（嫌疑）目標。就連一些前任CICIG密探也非議他的做法。

As the attacks mounted against Castresana, he became increasingly paranoid, and appeared to conflate legitimate critiques with dirty reprisals. He accused a highly regarded Spanish CICIG agent of being a spy. And he alleged that one of Guatemala’s most respected journalists was part of a criminal network. “He was seeing conspiracies everywhere,” Francisco Goldman, the author of “The Art of Political Murder,” told me. “I think he started to go mad.”

　　隨著對卡斯特雷薩納的攻擊逐步升級，他變得越來越偏執(zhí)，似乎將合情合理的批評也混同于骯臟的報復。他指控一位德高望重的西班牙籍CICIG密探是間諜。還硬說危地馬拉最受敬仰的一名記者是犯罪網絡的成員。“他目之所及，全是陰謀，”《政治謀殺術》的作者弗朗西斯科·高曼對我說。“我想他開始發(fā)瘋了。”

Under duress, Castresana escalated his long-standing feuds with colleagues at the U.N. “Basically, they are telling me I’m like Kurtz—some kind of crazy man in the middle of the wilderness,” he said. During one confrontation, an official reminded him that CICIG was not, technically, a U.N. body. Castresana replied, “I am the soul of the U.N.”

　　情緒失控之下，卡斯特雷薩納與聯(lián)合國同僚長久以來的宿怨也漸漸升級。“基本上，他們說我，如同我就是庫爾茨【譯注：美國作家約瑟夫·康拉德的小說《黑暗之心》中的主人公】——荒野之中的瘋子，”他說。在一次沖突中，一名官員提醒他，CICIG嚴格地說并非聯(lián)合國下屬的組織，卡斯特雷薩納回擊道，“我乃聯(lián)合國之化身。”
2

In May, 2010, President Colom chose a new Attorney General, who, according to CICIG, promptly fired honest prosecutors, seized control over agents’ wiretap operations, and shelved sensitive cases. Castresana felt that he no longer had the backing he needed from the Guatemalan government or the U.N. On June 7th, after running the commission for two and a half years, he abruptly resigned.

　　2010年5月，科羅姆總統(tǒng)選任了一名新的總檢察長，據(jù)CICIG稱，該人立馬解除了那些正直檢察官的職務，奪取了密探竊聽行動的控制權，并擱置了那些敏感案件。卡斯特雷薩納感覺自己不再能夠從危地馬拉政府和聯(lián)合國得到應有的支持。6月7日，掌管CICIG兩年半之后，他突然提出辭職。

At a press conference announcing his decision, Castresana, in a final salvo, denounced Colom’s new Attorney General for alleged ties to “parallel powers,” including organized crime. Within a week, the Attorney General had been ousted. A newspaper declared that Castresana, like Rosenberg, had learned that, in Guatemala, the only way to fight impunity was to “blow himself up.”

　　在宣布決定的記者招待會上，在最后的齊聲歡呼中，卡斯特雷薩納譴責了科羅姆的新總檢察長，說他與“另一并行國度”，包括團伙犯罪在內存在可疑聯(lián)系。一周之內，總檢察長就被罷免。一家報紙宣稱，和羅森博格一樣，卡斯特雷薩納學會了：在危地馬拉，唯一與有罪不罰作斗爭的方法就是“引爆自己”。

While CICIG has continued its operations under the command of Castresana’s successor, Francisco Dall’Anese—a respected former Attorney General from Costa Rica—Castresana returned to Spain, where he resumed his job as a prosecutor. Even after his resignation, the attacks against him and CICIG persisted. One day, four decapitated heads were placed at prominent locations around Guatemala City, including in front of the Congress; the Guatemala Times called it a clear warning from “the dark forces” that “felt empowered after Dr. Castresana resigned.” Castresana told me, “The wolves have smelled blood, and they will not stop until they get the commission destroyed.”

　　卡斯特雷薩納的繼任者是受人尊敬的哥斯達黎加前總檢察長弗朗西斯科·達爾阿內塞（Francisco Dall’Anese），他帶領CICIG繼續(xù)前行，而卡斯特雷薩納回到了西班牙，重新干起檢察官的老本行。即便是辭職以后，針對卡斯特雷薩納和CICIG的攻擊仍然不休。有一天，四顆斬首的頭顱放于危地馬拉城各個顯著位置，包括國會門前；《危地馬拉時報》稱這是“黑暗勢力”發(fā)出的清晰警告，“卡斯特雷薩納博士辭職之后，感覺又能為所欲為了。”卡斯特雷薩納對我說，“這就像狼聞到了血腥味，不毀掉這個委員會，他們是不會罷手的。”

Last November, Castresana passed through New York, and I met him at a restaurant. He seemed diminished without his security retinue. He said of the attacks on his reputation, “They have hurt my image forever.” He and his wife were divorcing, and he had not been able to see his children. “I have nothing,” he said. “I lost my family while in Guatemala. It almost took my life.”

　　去年11月，卡斯特雷薩納途經紐約，我與他在一家旅館見了面。沒有了安保侍從，他一副落魄的樣子。他談及了對其聲譽的攻擊，“他們永遠毀了我的形象。”他與妻子離了婚，也不許探望孩子。“我什么都沒了，”他感慨道。“在危地馬拉，我失去了家庭。這幾乎要了我的命。”

Dall’Anese told me, “One day, Guatemala will recognize what he accomplished.”

　　達爾阿內塞對我說，“終有一天，危地馬拉會承認他的貢獻。”

Not long ago, Castresana contacted me again, and for the first time in a while he sounded enthused. There had been a break in the Musa case. He explained that, before he left CICIG, investigators had found partial confirmation of what Rosenberg had alleged about improprieties at Banrural and other institutions. “We discovered some evidence of money laundering, fraud, and embezzlement,” he said. Moreover, as Rosenberg had believed, there had been an intense fight over control of Banrural’s board of directors, and an effort to block Musa’s appointment. But Rosenberg had overlooked a key detail: after receiving threats, Musa had informed the government that he was not taking the posts. By the time of his death, the hidden dispute over Banrural had been resolved, and there appeared to be no motive for killing him.

　　不久前，卡斯特雷薩納再度聯(lián)系了我，一段時間以來他的聲音頭回透著熱情。穆薩案有了突破。他解釋說，在他離開CICIG之前，調查員已經找到了羅森博格宣稱農村銀行和其他機構有貓膩的部分證據(jù)。“我們發(fā)現(xiàn)了一些洗錢、欺詐和貪污的證據(jù)，”他說。而且，不出羅森博格所料，農村銀行董事會的控制權之爭果然異常激烈，確有人試圖阻撓穆薩的任命。但是，羅森博格忽略了一個關鍵細節(jié)：接到死亡威脅后，穆薩已經通知政府，他無意于那些位置。也就是說，在他死前，關于農村銀行的秘密爭端已然解決，似乎沒有動機再去謀殺他。

Castresana told me that CICIG, using surveillance tapes and wiretaps, had recently identified the alleged hit men who killed Musa. After they were interrogated, several of them confessed, and the baroque narrative took its final twist. It turned out that Musa, despite his impeccable reputation, had been buying contraband for his textile factory from a criminal network. When Musa got into a dispute with the gang, and refused to pay for the contraband, he was assassinated. The Musa family has refused to accept the prospect that its patriarch was corrupt, and took out a full-page ad in a newspaper denying the allegations. But twelve men have been arrested for the murder of the Musas, and the trial is expected to begin later this year.

　　卡斯特雷薩納告訴我，使用監(jiān)控錄像和竊聽技術，CICIG最近查明了殺害穆薩的嫌疑殺手。經過審訊，他們其中一些人招供了，這個新奇怪異的故事有了最后的轉折。原來穆薩雖然擁有無懈可擊的聲譽，卻從一個犯罪網絡那兒為他的紡織廠購買走私品。后來穆薩與黑幫起了爭執(zhí)，繼而拒絕為走私品買單，于是，他遭到了暗殺。穆薩家族拒絕接受他們的家長腐化墮落這一可能，在一家報紙上打出了全版廣告，否認這些指控。但十二個人已因謀殺穆薩父女而被捕，審判有望在今年晚些時候開庭。

It seemed as if everyone had a secret. Musa concealed his dirty business practices. Rosenberg and Marjorie hid their affair. Rosenberg misled the world about his death. The Guatemalan government purportedly covered up its own corruption. The proliferation of counterfeit realities underscored the difficulty of ascertaining the truth in a country where there are so few arbiters of it. Even Rosenberg—who, in the land of the blind, had seemed like a one-eyed king—had been wrong about who killed the Musas, triggering a series of tragic events that nearly rewrote a nation’s history, based on a lie.

　　看來人人都有一個秘密。穆薩隱瞞了他骯臟的交易活動。羅森博格和馬約莉隱藏了他們的風流韻事。羅森博格用他的死誤導了全世界。危地馬拉政府則據(jù)說是掩蓋了自己的腐敗。偽造的現(xiàn)實四處擴散，在一個罕有仲裁者的國度查明真相的難度凸顯無遺。即便是羅森博格，在這個盲人之國，他就像一個獨眼之王，卻還是錯認了殺害穆薩父女的元兇，觸發(fā)了一系列悲劇性事件，幾乎在謊言之上改寫這個國家的歷史。

The shrine that was set up at the street corner where Rodrigo Rosenberg died is now deserted. Pilgrims no longer come to leave notes or flowers. When I visited the shrine, the wooden cross was tilted and defaced. Beside it, half buried in dirt, was a discarded banner. Scraping away the mud, I could see the fragment of a story: “Rodrigo Rosenberg, National Hero.”

　　那個在羅德里格喪生的街角設立的圣地如今已然荒廢。朝圣者也不再來此留言或獻花。我拜訪這一圣地時，那個木十字架歪在一邊，上面的字被涂抹掉了。在它旁邊，一條丟棄的橫幅半埋于污泥中。拭去泥漿，我覷見了一個故事的片段：“羅德里戈·羅森博格，國家英雄。”2

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